Blaming Afghan Taliban government for latest Pakistani Taliban onslaught is unjustified
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The Pakistan-Afghanistan border has recently seen a spike in attacks from across the Afghan border. Chaman border clashes have taken a heavy toll of life as the situation remains tense. Along the border, many small and big skirmishes have taken place. The most unfortunate part of the deteriorating border situation is that regular Afghan and Pakistani forces are striking each other’s positions fairly frequently, causing loss of life and damage to property besides the casualties suffered by forces deployed on both sides. In a recent visit to Kabul, Pakistan’s deputy foreign minister raised the issue with Taliban leaders. However, for a variety of reasons, the Afghan government can only offer some limited support in terms of containing the uptick in border violence.
That brings us to the question of whether and how effective the intervention is of the Afghan Taliban with leaders of the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). Unless this question is not addressed dispassionately with a view to bringing normalcy to the border, the violence will linger on.
Firstly, it is recognized that protecting their border and preventing Afghan soil from being used for carrying out attacks against Pakistan’s border, security forces or civilians is the responsibility of the Kabul government. Every country will have to accept this responsibility if peace and stability on the border is to be ensured for people and goods crossing the border. But beyond that there are compelling ground realities that will only be ignored at the cost of continuing violence at the border that could potentially damage relations between the two neighbors.
Pakistan and Afghanistan have such extensive and deep rooted links — historical, ethnic, cultural and strategic, that no cursory assessment of any border event could ever deliver a real outcome. The following facts must be understood clearly and incorporated into any workable framework for stabilizing the border and preventing a derailment of relations that hold promise for the future of both countries.
What really is the quantum of influence that the Taliban have over the Pakistani Taliban? The truth is: very little, because the bulk of them have now returned to Pakistan.
Rustam Shah
Since the Taliban took control of the country in August last year, the Army and police cadres have almost disintegrated, with Taliban volunteers holding positions without any formal training or education.
Daesh has launched ferocious attacks across the country to inflict as much damage on the Taliban administration as possible before the government could be in a position to wipe it out. Daesh knows well that if the Taliban were to consolidate their hold over the country and assume full control of their cities and borders, there would be no place for them to hide.
Because of the complete stoppage of foreign assistance, no investment is being made, causing widespread and alarming levels of poverty. The US has refused to release $7 billion worth of Afghan assets held in American banks, resulting in a collapse of the economy. The American sanctions on the Taliban government completely isolate the country from international banking systems, and have caused a complete breakdown of commerce and business in the country at a horrific cost to its poor and destitute citizens.
The Afghan government has no resources to pay salaries to its employees. And if that is the objective of those countries refusing to release Afghan assets, they have succeed in paralyzing the new government. They lose sight of the fact that any breakdown in law and order could lead to the return of warlords ushering in a new and deadly cycle of civil war that could engulf the whole region.
Keeping in view the perspective outlined above, it is unrealistic to expect that a paralyzed and bankrupt Kabul government could mobilize all its resources to overcome the challenge posed by terror outfits that it has very limited means to control.
There is another ominous dimension to the anger and acrimony in Afghanistan against Pakistan. Islamabad has fenced the border completely at a huge cost of $1 billion. The sealing of the border has completely disrupted historic relationships, trade, and the lives of people of the same tribe living on the border. It has brought border trade to a complete standstill. No longer can relatives on both sides visit each other for attending marriages or funerals. The ending of the border trade has caused horrendous economic losses as poverty has overtaken the population on both sides. On a few border crossings, controls are such that goods laden trucks wait for days before they are allowed to cross over. Ten different agencies now manage the border! Even worse, Pakistani diplomatic missions now take months to issue visas for Afghans who need to come for business or for visiting relatives — there are more than 1.5 million Afghan refugees still residing in Pakistan.
Against the background of such extensive mistrust, can Pakistan expect the other side to reciprocate with robust help in taking complete control of the border? Lastly, what really is the quantum of influence that the Taliban have over the Pakistani Taliban? The truth is: very little, because the bulk of them have now returned to Pakistan. Secondly and more importantly, they (TTP) realize that Afghan Taliban would never look the other way if Afghan soil was used against Pakistan. They are also conscious of the fact that sooner or later, the Taliban will advise them to leave Afghanistan.
There is an urgent need therefore to revisit the border management police and restore some order to the traffic – of both humans and goods. At the same time, there is a need for reopening a purpose oriented dialogue with leaders of the TTP by people who are trusted, who know the culture and traditions of the area and its people. That alone can help to bring peace to the area.
- Rustam Shah Mohmand is a specialist of Afghanistan and Central Asian Affairs. He has served as Pakistan’s ambassador to Afghanistan and also held position of Chief Commissioner Refugees for a decade.
