Pakistan's foreign policy structure requires civilian input
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Like many things, we are usually confused about who is in charge of Pakistan's foreign policy, especially for countries like the US, Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan, India and Iran. When the PTI government came into power and appointed as its Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi he threw his fist on the desk—a sign of resolve—and announced that the foreign ministry should shepherd diplomatic relations with the outer world.
With the proverbial one-page bonhomie prevailing between the party and the establishment, there was little reason not to expect this shift in favour of a civilian government that for long had been given a peripheral presence in the affairs of foreign policy. It was not to be, and every press conference from the ISPR further strengthened the fragility of Qureshi's claim. After August 5, 2019, while Pakistan raised cries against India's unilateral decision to redraw Kashmir's boundaries, it went down as a toothless harangue even within the party about which PTI's Minister of Human Rights and Minorities, Dr Shirin Mazari minced no words.
Although Pakistan is moving from the traditional foreign policy antics to embrace new realities and accommodate changing alliances, our domestic narrative remains opaque and unconvincing. We are not truthful to our people and by design, keep them in a state of confusion. The entire algorithm concerning the political deviation and division is about that.
Though informed and dedicated, the military leaders fail to exercise the kind of political judgment required in a liberal democracy because of being trained to look at every mission in black and white military terms.
Durdana Najam
Religion that once reined the Cold War and the three decades following its demise has lost the vigour to rationalise any policy initiative. Nevertheless, we, unfortunately, are sticking to emotions emanating from faith-based sentiments. Kashmir and Israel could be better understood in the light of geo-economics than religion. What good does it bring to any of us getting upset over Israel's callous disregard of Gaza and West Bank on Covid-19 vaccinations? As many intellectuals are pointing out, the power corridor that insists on improving relations with Israel may not be doing so with an eye on capitalising on its technology. It could be putting a diplomatic endeavour to counterbalance India-Israel relations. It could be redrawing Pakistan's strategic presence in the Middle East, China's rising clout, US's dwindling sway on world affairs and the undeniable presence of non-state actors as a parallel power to nation-states.
Apparently, Pakistan is taking some right foreign policy decisions—aligned to the emerging scenario, but the bellicose and militarised tilt in domestic narrative hampers Pakistan's effort to internationalise its image as a responsible state in the comity of world nations. It may require civilian input in foreign affairs.
The question is: why an emphasis on the civilian control of foreign policy? The answer lies in the occupational bias. A civilian leaders' response elicits from the institutional incentive that takes a spectrum approach on foreign policy. Though informed and dedicated, the military leaders fail to exercise the kind of political judgment required in a liberal democracy because of being trained to look at every mission in black and white military terms. In the last few decades, many governments wanted to restore relations with India in the area of trade, economic and culture, but we could not go any furher than either keeping the Line of Control hot or matching muscles in the nuclear domain.
Both the countries are still trading with each other, but it does not reflect on our balance sheet because either we are trading outside the banking system through smuggling, or using a third country as a transit route.
According to a joint study conducted by a Harvard economist and senior commerce ministry official $3.3 billion worth of goods are smuggled into Pakistan annually. Afghanistan, Iran and India are the possible three primary destinations enabling smuggling of this gigantic proportion. Though Pakistan's custom and law enforcement department's negligence is conspicuous in this regard, the lack of diplomatic engagement in non-military areas has also contributed to bleeding Pakistan's revenue dry.
Prime Minister Imran Khan is establishing a good tradition of informing Pakistan's people on issues that matter for their financial and moral security. After sugar, wheat, oil and the PIA inquiry report, the broadsheet saga will unravel how mercilessly our leaders had embezzled public money. Aligned to this strategy should also be an exercise to have Pakistanis learn to view their country as a part of the international system managed and regulated by treaties, laws, covenants and transnational edicts. It may require a renewed media policy geared towards debates on productive issues concerning people rather than washing the dirty accountability linen, which has brought no relief to the country.
Two old chestnuts should never be forgotten: One, foreign policy is the reflection of domestic policy. Two, war is too important to be left to the generals.
- Durdana Najam is an oped writer based in Lahore. She writes on security and policy issues. She can be reached at [email protected]
