Trump’s failed bid to elevate an Arab American ally shows cracks in his political coalition

1 / 2
Osama Siblani, Donald Trump, Bill Bazzi and Amer Ghalib. (Agencies)
2 / 2
US President Donald Trump at Mar-a-Lago in Palm Beach, Florida, U.S., February 1, 2026. (REUTERS)
Short Url
Updated 02 February 2026
Follow

Trump’s failed bid to elevate an Arab American ally shows cracks in his political coalition

  • “President Trump has an incredible relationships with Arab leaders around the world,” White House spokesperson Anna Kelly said in a statement

WASHINGTON: When Donald Trump won his comeback campaign, he credited the mayor of a small Detroit suburb with helping him make inroads with Michigan’s Arab American community. As a reward, Trump nominated Amer Ghalib to serve as US ambassador to Kuwait.
But Ghalib is not on his way to the oil-rich nation in the Arabian Gulf. Instead, he is still in Hamtramck, population 30,000, after his nomination stalled because of opposition from Trump’s fellow Republicans.
It’s not clear whether the White House will submit Ghalib’s name again, and he said it does not matter either way: “I’m not interested in it anymore.”
The nomination’s unraveling has exacerbated tensions between Republicans and an Arab American community that, dissatisfied with Democratic President Joe Biden’s handling of the war in Gaza, helped send Trump back to the White House. Although Trump was successful in 2024, a key constituency may not be there for his party in the November midterm elections, when control of Congress is up for grabs.
“It’s hard for me to try and convince the community to vote again Republican in 2026 and 2028 with this kind of an atmosphere,” said Bishara Bahbah, who chaired Arab Americans for Trump.
Opposition on Capitol Hill
At the last rally of his campaign, in the predawn hours before polls opened, Trump embraced Ghalib on a Michigan stage. He called the mayor “one of the greatest men in your state.” It was a long way from eight years earlier, when Trump campaigned on a promise to ban Muslims from entering the United States.
Not only did Trump win Michigan, he earned strong support from Arab Americans. He even won Dearborn, where nearly half the city’s roughly 110,000 residents are of Arab descent.
But after Trump selected Ghalib for the diplomatic post, the reception on Capitol Hill was markedly colder.
“Your long-standing views are directly contrary to the views and positions of President Trump and to the position of the United States,” Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas, said at a hearing last year. “I for one, I’m not going to be able to support your confirmation.”
Cruz was joined by senators from both parties in questioning Ghalib about past comments and social media activity, including some that were labeled as antisemitic. Asked about “liking” a Facebook comment comparing Jewish people to monkeys, Ghalib said he had a “bad habit” of acknowledging nearly every response on his posts but stressed that he disagreed with the statement.
Sen. Jeanne Shaheen, D-N.H., asked Ghalib about a previous comment that allegations of sexual violence during the Oct. 7, 2023, attack by Hamas against Israel were untrue. Ghalib said he condemned all abuses but claimed that he had not seen the evidence himself.
He drew further scrutiny for describing former Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein as a martyr.
While no vote was taken after the hearing, the Republican opposition put Ghalib’s nomination on a near-certain path to failure.
“President Trump has an incredible relationships with Arab leaders around the world,” White House spokesperson Anna Kelly said in a statement. She added that he “continues to deliver on the promises he made to Arab Americans and all communities by cooling inflation, securing the border, and restoring peace through strength.”
’Widespread disappointment’
Another former mayor who helped Trump with the Arab American community, Bill Bazzi of Dearborn Heights, had more luck than Ghalib. He was sworn in as US ambassador to Tunisia in October.
To some critics, the administration is sidelining Arab American voices after highlighting them during the campaign.
Bahbah said he recently spent more than a week in Michigan absorbing a sense of “widespread disappointment.”
“First of all, many of the promises that were made to the community have not been fulfilled. That’s what I’m told,” he said. “Secondly, the whole issue of immigration and visas is really rattling the community. ICE (Immigration and Customs Enforcement) is rattling the community, even those with citizenships.”
To top it off, Bahbah said, people feel that “grocery bills are much higher than they used to be.”
Many leaders in Michigan’s Arab American community emphasized that Trump’s success had less to do with support for the Republican candidate than anger at Biden.
But the reality of Trump’s second term has been more complicated than some expected. An agreement intended to stop the war in Gaza has brought mixed reactions because it “seems to be a one-sided ceasefire,” said Bahbah. He also said immigration enforcement has taken a toll in Arab American communities.
“People are terrorized,” Bahbah said. “They’re afraid.”
“This is not what the community voted for,” he added.
A splintering coalition
Ghalib emphasized that he is not upset with the president, saying “he was loyal and supportive.”
But he said “those who opposed me for nonsense reasons have made the community upset, and they will have to work hard to restore their relationship with the community.”
Ghalib’s criticism of Republicans reflects the fragility of the coalition Trump assembled in 2024. Not only did he improve his standing with Arab Americans, he also increased his share of Black and Latino voters.
But with dissatisfaction on the rise, sustaining that support is proving difficult.
Osama Siblani, editor of The Arab American News in Dearborn, said he does not believe that Trump’s success in 2024 will be repeated.
“He has no support in this community with or without Ghalib,” Siblani said.

 


What Bangladesh’s election means for India, China and Pakistan ties

Bangladesh Nationalist Party supporters gather for a rally ahead of the upcoming national election, in Sylhet on Jan. 22, 2026.
Updated 08 February 2026
Follow

What Bangladesh’s election means for India, China and Pakistan ties

  • Bangladeshis will vote on Feb. 12, almost two years after the 2024 student-led uprising
  • After nearly 2 years of tensions, experts expect a thaw with India under elected government

DHAKA: As Bangladesh prepares to hold its first elections since the 2024 ouster of Sheikh Hasina, its longest-serving prime minister, the outcome will define Dhaka’s relations with the most important regional powers — China, India, and Pakistan.

Nearly 128 million Bangladeshis will head to the polls on Feb. 12 to bring in new leadership after an 18-month rule of the current caretaker administration.

The interim government, led by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus, took control following a student-led uprising that ended 15 years in power of Hasina and her Awami League party.

The two main parties out of the 51 competing for power are the Bangladesh Nationalist Party and Jamaat-e-Islami. The Awami League, which for decades has had close ties with India, was excluded from the election ballot over its role in the deadly crackdown on the 2024 student-led protests, in which 1,400 people were killed.

While Bangladesh’s relationship India has deteriorated since the fall of Hasina, who has been in self-exile in New Delhi, the period of diplomatic strain is expected to ease when the new government takes office.

“Whoever comes to power in Bangladesh, due to domestic pressure in the country, relationships with India need a resetting,” Humayun Kabir, former ambassador to the US, told Arab News.

“It’s anticipated that India will also engage with the new government, but they will protect their interests, and we also have to do the same. It’s most likely that the India-Bangladesh relationship will be normalized under the new, elected, government.”

Since 2024, India has suspended key transshipment access that allowed Bangladeshi exports to go via Indian ports and airports. It also put on hold most normal visa services for Bangladeshis, who were among its largest groups of medical tourists.

From Hasina’s heavy pro-India orientation, the interim government has tried to rebalance Bangladesh’s foreign policy toward the two other key regional players — China and Pakistan — who at the same time are India’s main rivals. 

If New Delhi regains its importance, it should not deal a blow to the newly expanded relations with Pakistan, with whom Bangladesh has recently increased exchanges, especially economic, and last month resumed direct flights — after a 14-year gap.

Since the relations have been expanded under the caretaker government, Prof. Delwar Hossain from the International Relations Department at Dhaka University forecast that they would only further improve, no matter who comes to power, and there is no likelihood of a sudden change.

“For Pakistan, any political coalition — whether BNP or Jamaat — will be positive. The BNP has a long history of having good relations with Pakistan during their rule ... Jamaat also has a strong and very positive influence in Pakistan,” he said.

“For Pakistan, the new regime or new government is not the issue. The issue is what the (India) policy of the new government would be and to what extent it would actually support Pakistan’s view.”

Both the BNP and Jamaat have repeatedly said they wanted friendly relations with India, and Hossain expected that they would, at the same time, continue the balanced approach introduced by the caretaker administration.

“India is a reality as a neighbor. At the same time, India is also showing interest in mending relations or adopting a more cooperative approach after the vote, with the government that will be elected ... I think there will be pragmatism from both sides,” he said.

“I don’t see there is a long-term threat to Bangladesh-India relations ... When China and Pakistan were trying to create a trilateral cooperative system or some kind of coalition — China, Bangladesh and Pakistan — we have seen that Bangladesh opted out. It seems that Bangladesh is going to continue its policy of maintaining a balance among these great powers.”

Bangladesh’s relations with China have not changed since the ouster of Hasina, whose government signed several economic agreements with Beijing. Yunus’s administration has continued this cooperation, and China was among the very few countries he officially visited during his term.

During the visit, he secured about $2.1 billion in Chinese investments, loans and grants, including funding for infrastructure like Mongla Port and a special economic zone in Chattogram — Bangladesh’s largest port. China has also eased visa rules for Bangladeshi businesspeople, medical travelers and tourists.

According to Munshi Faiz Ahmed, Bangladesh’s former ambassador to Beijing, China’s importance for Bangladesh cannot be substituted by any other country, especially as over the past few years it has emerged not only as its key investor, but also the largest trade partner.

In the fiscal year 2024-25, Bangladesh’s trade with China was over $21.3 billion, according to National Board of Revenue data. With India, it was about $11.5 billion.

The trade — especially import — dependence on Beijing started long before the regime change. In terms of trade volume, China overtook India already in 2018.

“Even when people thought that we had very close relations with India, our relations with China continued to grow in terms of trade and commerce ... Our trade with China has surpassed India’s, and China is a much bigger investor in Bangladesh’s development projects,” Ahmed said.

“Bangladesh will continue to cooperate with China for a long time to come because what China can provide, no other country can.”