Balance key as Gulf states’ soft power grows

At a recent international conference on geopolitics that I attended, a prominent speaker discussed the growing influence of the Gulf states. Political commentators, analytical papers, and research studies are repeatedly highlighting this growing role and influence. This is not us claiming leadership, this is international recognition of the shift in how power is exercised in the region, especially in terms of mediation and humanitarian aid when considering the receding role of the usual Western powers, particularly the US.
Over the past decade, the Gulf states have emerged as indispensable actors in mediation and humanitarian aid. From facilitating prisoner exchanges and ceasefire talks to underwriting large-scale humanitarian responses, Gulf states have positioned themselves as brokers in crises that extend well beyond their borders.
As with other countries, Gulf states use mediation and humanitarian aid to project influence, stabilize regions, and meet geopolitical goals. Whether through UN organizations or bilateral agreements for reconstruction efforts, funding education and health programs, vocational training and development projects, Gulf diplomacy skillfully blends substantial financial aid with active mediation to achieve tangible political and strategic outcomes, solidifying these states’ roles as significant regional actors.
At its core, this strategy is about soft power. Acting as intermediaries in conflicts where traditional powers are either distrusted or overstretched enhances their reputations as pragmatic, solution-oriented actors. Humanitarian aid, meanwhile, projects an image of responsibility and leadership, particularly in the Middle East and North Africa region, where several countries are fatigued by war, displacement, and institutional collapse.
The Gulf states project soft power through investments to support postconflict reconstruction and incentivize dialogue, as well as investing in media, education, cultural diplomacy, and hosting major international events that enhance their international visibility and reputation. On the other hand, states such as Kuwait and Oman emphasize impartiality and “quiet diplomacy” to establish credibility, making them acceptable as mediators to all parties in a conflict.
In addition to providing access to global decision-makers, conflicting parties and international institutions, soft power also bolsters the Gulf states’ standing in global forums. Their voices increasingly carry weight not only because of energy markets or financial clout, but because they are seen as problem-solvers.

The Gulf states project soft power through investments to support postconflict reconstruction and incentivize dialogue.

Maha Akeel

Saudi Arabia’s successful participation in the World Economic Forum in Davos illustrates its impactful presence through meaningful dialogue, pragmatic cooperation, and the launch of major initiatives designed to address global challenges and capture opportunities.
The Global Soft Power Index 2026, released during Davos, indicates that while the US continues to exercise hard, economic and soft power, its overall soft power performance has declined, creating space for other nations to expand their influence, particularly China, but also the Gulf states. Saudi Arabia climbed from 20th to 17th and Qatar from 22nd to 20th through proactive diplomacy, economic diversification and new efforts across culture, tourism, and sports.
However, with rising influence comes growing pressure to meet expectations and maintain neutrality, credibility, and transparency. Qatar’s central role in ceasefire and hostage negotiations in Gaza has placed Doha under intense scrutiny. Because it hosts key Hamas interlocutors and publicly commits funds for humanitarian relief, delays or restrictions on aid access have rebounded into political pressure on Qatari diplomacy. Despite lacking control over conditions on the ground, mediators are often blamed when humanitarian corridors stall or ceasefires falter, thus raising expectations that mediation must also produce tangible humanitarian outcomes.
As Western powers recalibrate their roles in the region, Gulf states are often expected to step in — not just financially, but diplomatically and strategically. This can stretch capacity and blur the line between facilitation and responsibility.
Therefore, the challenge ahead for Gulf states when it comes to mediation and humanitarian aid is balance. Gulf states need to institutionalize their mediation and humanitarian efforts, anchoring them in clear principles. Transparency, coordination with multilateral organizations, and investment in long-term conflict prevention — not just crisis response — can help sustain credibility. Equally important is aligning these external roles with domestic resilience, ensuring that international ambition does not outpace internal consensus or capacity.
If managed carefully, the Gulf’s expanding role in mediation and humanitarian aid can reinforce both regional stability and global relevance. But soft power is not static; it must be renewed through performance, restraint, and reliability. In a volatile MENA region and an uncertain international order, the Gulf states’ greatest test may not be gaining influence — but sustaining it without being overwhelmed by the responsibilities it brings.

• Maha Akeel is a Saudi expert in communications, social development, and international relations. She is a member of the UN’s Senior Women Talent Pipeline. X: @MahaAkeel1