Marcos camp takes on Duterte clan in key poll

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Philippines' President Ferdinand Marcos Jr (C) attends a campaign rally of senatorial candidates under his party in Mandaluyong, Metro Manila, on May 9, 2025, ahead of the midterm elections. (AFP)
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Supporters cheer during a campaign rally in Metro Manila. (Reuters)
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Updated 12 May 2025
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Marcos camp takes on Duterte clan in key poll

  • Most voters back senate candidates who assert Philippine sovereignty: Survey

MANILA: In political rallies, Senate hearings, and voter surveys ahead of Monday’s midterm elections in the Philippines, China has been an overwhelming — and unusual — presence.

The shadow of its giant maritime neighbor has loomed over the Philippines for years. 

However, as the country’s two most prominent political clans flex their muscles in the usually low-key process to pick senators and local government leaders, relations with China have emerged as a political lightning rod.

The outcome could shape the country’s strategic positioning over the remaining half of President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s six-year term, which began in 2022.




Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. attends a campaign rally of senatorial candidates under his party in Mandaluyong, Metro Manila, on May 9, 2025, ahead of the midterm elections. (AFP)

“Will we allow ourselves to return to the time when our leaders wanted us to become a province of China?” Marcos asked voters at a rally in February, in a dig at predecessor Rodrigo Duterte and his daughter Sara, who is currently vice president and a key Marcos rival.

During his 2016 to 2022 term, Duterte shifted foreign policy on China, adopting conciliatory rhetoric and downplaying disputes in the South China Sea. 

The strategy drew concern from Washington and raised questions about the Philippines’ longstanding security alliance with the US.

In contrast, Marcos has moved to rekindle and deepen ties with Washington.

“These are hot-button issues that many Filipino voters can relate to, particularly on the issue of China. There was a time in the past when foreign policy did not matter that much during elections,” said Ederson Tapia, professor of public administration at the University of Makati.

“But now it does.”

An April survey found that most voters in the country of 110 million prefer candidates who assert Philippine sovereignty in the South China Sea, where the Marcos-led administration has taken a more assertive stance in its maritime confrontations with Beijing, which continue unabated.

It is a sentiment that Marcos has tapped into since he started his campaign for the slate of Senate candidates that he is backing.

In the February rally, Marcos pointed to his candidates, saying: “None of them were applauding China when our coast guard was being bombed with water, when our fishermen were being blocked, when their catch was stolen, and our islands seized to become part of another country.”

The Duterte camp enjoyed a surge of sympathy when he was arrested by the International Criminal Court in March and taken to The Hague, but Marcos’ candidates remain ahead in polls and appear poised to dominate the Senate race.

A Duterte spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment.

Through a months-long campaign, Marcos has kept up the pressure and focused on China as a key election issue, while his allies have aimed at Sara Duterte for her silence on China’s actions.

Sara, a likely future presidential candidate, was once a Marcos ally but now faces an impeachment trial on charges including a threat to assassinate the president if she were harmed.

In the Philippines, the 24-member Senate acts as the jury in any impeachment trial, making the midterms even more consequential in determining Sara Duterte’s political future.

Sara, who denied wrongdoing, responded to her impeachment with defiance, asking the Supreme Court to nullify the complaint against her.

A strong mandate for Marcos would not only define his ability to govern decisively in the remaining three years of his term but would also shape the 2028 presidential race, said Victor Andres “Dindo” Manhit, a political analyst and founder of Stratbase Group, a research and advisory firm.

Marcos is limited to a single term under the Constitution and is expected to anoint a successor. Sara Duterte would also be eligible to run in 2028 if she survives impeachment.

“Those who will run need to be tested on consistency about these issues,” Manhit said, referring to protecting the Philippines’ maritime rights and sovereignty.

“And one of them is the current vice president. She has not spoken against this coercion by China.”

A spokesperson for Sara Duterte did not respond to a request for comment.

The midterm election comes amid a proliferation of disinformation in the Philippines. Inauthentic accounts have driven up to 45 percent of discussions about the elections on social media, Reuters reported last month.

The use of fake accounts and paid influencers for political operations is widespread in the Philippines, but a top security official and a senator alleged last month that Chinese state-sponsored groups might be attempting to influence Filipinos.

China’s foreign ministry and its embassy in Manila have rejected the accusations.


Culture being strangled by Kosovo’s political crisis

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Culture being strangled by Kosovo’s political crisis

PRIZREN: Kosovo’s oldest cinema has been dark and silent for years as the famous theater slowly disintegrates under a leaky roof.
Signs warn passers-by in the historic city of Prizren that parts of the Lumbardhi’s crumbling facade could fall while it waits for its long-promised refurbishment.
“The city deserves to have the cinema renovated and preserved. Only junkies gathering there benefit from it now,” nextdoor neighbor butcher Arsim Futko, 62, told AFP.
For seven years, it waited for a European Union-funded revamp, only for the money to be suddenly withdrawn with little explanation.
Now it awaits similar repairs promised by the national government that has since been paralyzed by inconclusive elections in February.
And it is anyone’s guess whether the new government that will come out of Sunday’s snap election will keep the promise.

- ‘Collateral damage’ -

Cinema director Ares Shporta said the cinema has become “collateral damage” in a broader geopolitical game after the EU hit his country with sanctions in 2023.
The delayed repairs “affected our morale, it affected our lives, it affected the trust of the community in us,” Shporta said.
Brussels slapped Kosovo with sanctions over heightened tensions between the government and the ethnic Serb minority that live in parts of the country as Pristina pushed to exert more control over areas still tightly linked to Belgrade.
Cultural institutions have been among the hardest-hit sectors, as international funding dried up and local decisions were stalled by the parliamentary crisis.
According to an analysis by the Kosovo think tank, the GAP Institute for Advanced Studies, sanctions have resulted in around 613 million euros ($719 million) being suspended or paused, with the cultural sector taking a hit of 15-million-euro hit.

- ‘Ground zero’ -

With political stalemate threatening to drag on into another year, there are warnings that further funding from abroad could also be in jeopardy.
Since February’s election when outgoing premier Albin Kurti topped the polls but failed to win a majority, his caretaker government has been deadlocked with opposition lawmakers.
Months of delays, spent mostly without a parliament, meant little legislative work could be done.
Ahead of the snap election on Sunday, the government said that more than 200 million euros ($235 million) will be lost forever due to a failure to ratify international agreements.
Once the top beneficiary of the EU Growth Plan in the Balkans, Europe’s youngest country now trails most of its neighbors, the NGO Group for Legal and Political Studies’ executive director Njomza Arifi told AFP.
“While some of the countries in the region have already received the second tranches, Kosovo still remains at ground zero.”
Although there have been some enthusiastic signs of easing a half of EU sanctions by January, Kurti’s continued push against Serbian institutions and influence in the country’s north continues to draw criticism from both Washington and Brussels.

- ‘On the edge’ -

Across the river from the Lumbardhi, the funding cuts have also been felt at Dokufest, a documentary and short film festival that draws people to the region.
“The festival has had to make staff cuts. Unfortunately, there is a risk of further cuts if things don’t change,” Dokufest artistic director Veton Nurkollari said.
“Fortunately, we don’t depend on just one source because we could end up in a situation where, when the tap is turned off, everything is turned off.”
He said that many in the cultural sector were desperate for the upcoming government to get the sanctions lifted by ratification of the agreements that would allow EU funds to flow again.
“Kosovo is the only one left on the edge and without these funds.”