Russian activists abroad pin hopes on Yulia Navalnaya

As Yulia Navalnaya said she will continue to fight for a free Russia in her husband’s name, EU leaders met in Brussels to discuss new sanctions on Moscow over Navalny’s death. (Reuters)
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Updated 21 February 2024
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Russian activists abroad pin hopes on Yulia Navalnaya

  • Panchenko has been coming most days to lay flowers at an impromptu memorial to him in Tbilisi
  • With Navalny gone, she is pinning her hopes on Yulia Navalnaya, who has pledged to continue her husband’s work and urged Russians to share her “rage” at President Vladimir Putin

TBILISI: Like many other young Russians, Anastasia Panchenko’s political awakening came courtesy of Alexei Navalny.
Left reeling by his sudden death, she is looking now to his widow Yulia to take on the mantle of Russian opposition leader.
Since Navalny died in an Arctic penal colony last Friday, Panchenko has been coming most days to lay flowers at an impromptu memorial to him in Tbilisi, the Georgian capital she has called home since fleeing Russia in 2021.
Once a journalist with a pro-Kremlin news outlet in Krasnodar, southern Russia, Panchenko quit her job and went to work in Navalny’s campaign office after police violently dispersed protests in 2017 that were prompted by one of his anti-corruption investigations.
“He turned my life on its head,” she said in an interview.
With Navalny gone, she is pinning her hopes on Yulia Navalnaya, who has pledged to continue her husband’s work and urged Russians to share her “rage” at President Vladimir Putin. The Kremlin denies involvement in Navalny’s death, which it says is under investigation.
“Yulia Navalnaya is our new hope,” Panchenko said. “She has taken upon herself all of Alexei Navalny’s political capital. I think she’s the lawful, legitimate leader of the opposition.”
Navalnaya, 47, has not yet had time to set out her vision for Russia’s opposition, whose leading members are in prison or abroad.
Currently outside Russia, she would risk arrest if she returned to the country — like Navalny himself, whose last day of freedom was the day he returned to Russia in January 2021 after recovering in a German hospital from an attempt to poison him in Siberia.
Semyon Kochkin, a former Navalny campaign manager now also living in Tbilisi, said the task ahead of his widow was daunting, especially from exile.
“Yulia always demonstratively said she didn’t want any part in politics. I never expected that she would go into this battle,” he said.
“I’m very worried for her because she’s in danger. They can do anything (to her). Of course she’s not in Russia, but even so. She was never a public figure. She is going to be gravely tested. We will support her.”

WHAT NOW?
Panchenko and Kochkin were both part of a national network of campaign offices set up by Navalny when he attempted to run for president in 2018 but was barred from standing.
After he was jailed in 2021, his network was banned as “extremist,” and most of his staffers fled Russia under threat of long prison sentences. Many moved to Georgia, which allows Russians to stay indefinitely, without a visa.
With Navalny now dead, Tbilisi’s tight-knit community of political exiles is grappling with the loss of a man many hoped would follow in the footsteps of South Africa’s Nelson Mandela, one day walking free from prison to become the country’s president.
Kochkin, 30, runs an anti-Kremlin channel on the Telegram messenger app, and maintains a list of natives of his home region of Chuvashia who have died in the war in Ukraine. He admits Navalny’s death has left him at a loss.
“I don’t really understand what we’re supposed to do in this situation right now,” said the activist, whom Russian authorities have designated a “foreign agent” and placed on a nationwide wanted list.
“We always thought of Alexei as the person who’d tell us what to do. He’d make the plan, and we’d carry it out. Now there’s no one who’s going to make that plan for us. We need to sit down and do it for ourselves.”

COLD CALLS
Dmitry Tsibiryov, the former head of Navalny’s headquarters in the Volga River city of Saratov, is another Georgia-based activist who says he will remain politically engaged.
As part of a project by Navalny’s Anti-Corruption Foundation (FBK), Tsibiryov has been cold-calling Russian voters for weeks, trying to persuade them to vote against Putin or spoil their ballots in a March 15-17 presidential election. He told Reuters he had spoken to about 70 by mid-February.
“Now, there’s no possibility of talking to residents of Russia face to face, but I can over the phone,” said Tsibiryov, 38.
“I believe in the beautiful Russia of the future,” he said, borrowing a slogan from Navalny. “What is the ocean, if not a lot of tiny droplets? We’re contributing those droplets in this project, one, two people at a time.”
Panchenko, the former journalist, says she is focused on fundraising and organizing legal support for those detained for commemorating Navalny’s death in her native Krasnodar region.
But while she looks now to Yulia Navalnaya, she is bereft at the death of her political idol.
“I think it’s an irreplaceable loss. Alexei Navalny’s name will be on people’s lips for a long time to come because it’s impossible to replace him,” she said.


Isolated Kremlin critics lament lost future at Nemtsov memorial

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Isolated Kremlin critics lament lost future at Nemtsov memorial

  • Hundreds used to flock to the makeshift memorial on the anniversary of his death
  • Since Russia ordered troops into Ukraine it has intensified a crackdown on dissent, with almost no opposition to the Kremlin visible on the street

MOSCOW: On a bridge next to the Kremlin on a drizzly Friday morning, a lone Russian police officer stood looking at the half-dozen bunches of flowers laying in memory of slain opposition figure Boris Nemtsov.
The symbolism was almost too much.
Four years into Moscow’s full-scale offensive on Ukraine, which has seen President Vladimir Putin eradicate all forms of dissent and usher in strict military censorship laws that have silenced his critics, few Russians dared, or wanted, to pay tribute.
Nemtsov, a longtime Putin opponent, was shot and killed on February 27 2015, meters from the Kremlin’s red walls. He was 55.
Hundreds used to flock to the makeshift memorial on the anniversary of his death, which came on Friday.
This year, there was barely a trickle. Those who turned up were visibly nervous.
“So few people, they’ve all forgotten,” lamented one elderly man, who refused to give his name.
“Everybody is afraid,” a woman standing nearby added.
Since Russia ordered troops into Ukraine it has intensified a crackdown on dissent, with almost no opposition to the Kremlin visible on the street.
AFP reporters on Friday morning saw only around a dozen mourners alongside Western ambassadors laying red carnations.
“Keep moving, don’t gather in a crowd, don’t block the way for other citizens,” a police officer said through a megaphone.
Three days after Russia launched its offensive on Ukraine in 2022, protesters had staged an impromptu rally against the war at the memorial on the anniversary of Nemtsov’s death.
Nemtsov’s supporters have always accused Chechen leader and key Putin ally Ramzan Kadyrov of ordering his killing.
Kadyrov has rejected the claims.
Five Chechens were convicted of a contract killing but investigators never said who it was ordered by.

- ‘Everything is persecuted’ -

For his followers, Nemtsov is a totemic figure in Russian political life — seen as a once-future leader who might have taken the country on a different path.
“I come here every year,” said 79-year-old scientist Sergei at the bridge on Friday.
“Russia should have had — though unfortunately it didn’t work out — a leader exactly like Nemtsov,” he told AFP, declining to give his surname.
“Right now everything here is suppressed, everything is persecuted, people are sitting in prisons.”
A physicist by education, Nemtsov rose to fame in the 1990s as a young, liberal provincial governor, and was widely tipped to take over from Boris Yeltsin.
He gave his hesitant backing to Putin when the ex-KGB spy was tapped to enter the Kremlin instead, but became an early — and fierce — opponent of what he cast as the Russian leader’s creeping authoritarianism.
He had largely lost popularity and was only a marginal figure in Russian politics when he was killed in 2015. Still, his murder shocked the country and the world.
“The hopes of the whole country were pinned on him — of all the people who wanted it to be free here,” said Olga Vinogradova, a 66-year-old volunteer who tends to the pop-up memorial to Nemtsov on the bridge.
“When this man was killed, naturally, all of us were, we were all just executed at that moment. Because our hopes were destroyed,” she said.
“With this memorial, we remind people that there was a different path for Russia. And that there was a real person who could have led us down this path.”

- ‘Forced out’ -

Nemtsov had strongly opposed Putin’s 2014 annexation of Crimea from Ukraine and Moscow’s military backing for pro-Russian separatists in eastern Ukraine.
He was also a close and early ally of Alexei Navalny, who died in 2024 in an Arctic prison in what his supports say was a poisoning.
Open opposition to the Kremlin is unheard of inside Russia since the first days of the Ukraine offensive — when riot police cracked down hard on the thousands that took to the streets to protest.
All major critics of the Kremlin are in exile, prison or dead.
Those that remain have been silenced.
“Many have been forced out of the country, some have been killed,” said Gleb, a 23-year-old photographer.
A movement or person like Nemtsov was “impossible” to imagine right now, he said.
Still, he held on to a slither of hope.
“But everything can change at any moment.”