Philippines’ Marcos says will continue vlogging as president

A screenshot of Philippines President-elect Ferdinand Marcos Jr. shows that he has 2.6 million subscribers on YouTube. (YouTube)
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Updated 06 June 2022
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Philippines’ Marcos says will continue vlogging as president

  • President-elect has millions of followers on Facebook, YouTube
  • New administration should use existing state media to reach public, analyst says

MANILA: Philippines president-elect Ferdinand Marcos Jr. has said he will continue vlogging when he takes office later this month, giving a glimpse into the incoming leader’s public communications strategy after being “inaccessible” to the media during his campaign.

Marcos, the son and namesake of the late dictator, will take over from President Rodrigo Duterte as the country’s leader for the next six years on June 30. He won more than 31 million votes in one of the most divisive presidential elections in the history of the Philippines.

Social media played a huge role throughout his presidential campaign, during which he used vlogs to discuss issues and address supporters. Marcos has more than 7.4 million followers on Facebook and 2.6 million subscribers on YouTube.

In his latest vlog, in which he replied to comments from social media users, Marcos said that he plans to continue vlogging even when he assumes the presidency.

“I need to explain what we are doing, to let you know what you think we need to do right, and to hear your comments on the shortcomings that we need to address,” Marcos said in the video published on Saturday.

“That’s why we will continue this vlog. Every so often, we will explain the things that we are doing so that you don’t just get your news from newspapers, but also straight from the horse’s mouth.”

His latest statement has sparked some concern, as during the campaign period Marcos was seen as difficult to approach by the media.

“He was basically, generally speaking, inaccessible to the media,” Danilo Arao, press freedom advocate and journalism professor at the University of the Philippines, told Arab News.

“The problem right now, though he has not yet been formally assumed as president, he’s already being selective in terms of whom he wants to talk to. Of course, we would hope that the incoming administration would be more open to criticism from the media.”

Since the government has its own public information system to reach out to the public, including on television and online, Arao said that instead of vlogging, Marcos’ administration should maximize existing resources in order to “ensure that the messaging will be more consistent.”

Rights group Human Rights Watch last month highlighted Marcos’ “rocky relationship” with the press, which they said “could pose serious risks for democracy in the Philippines.”

HRW said in a statement: “Ignoring critical publications is bad enough, but Marcos Jr. will have tools at his disposal to muzzle the media in a manner that the elder Marcos, no supporter of press freedom, could only dream of.”


DR Congo city residents forced to adapt during year of M23 rule

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DR Congo city residents forced to adapt during year of M23 rule

  • Around one million Goma residents were holed up in their homes on Jan. 26, 2025, when the Congolese army and its allies were forced to pull out of the provincial capital
GOMA, DR Congo: They were caught under a barrage of fire and became trapped with “nowhere to go” after their city in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo fell under the M23 armed group’s control a year ago.
Around one million Goma residents were holed up in their homes on January 26, 2025, when the Congolese army and its allies were forced to pull out of the provincial capital.
Hundreds of Rwandan soldiers had just poured across the border to fight alongside the M23 in a lightning offensive to seize the lakeside city.
Thousands of people were killed in the intense clashes.
Janvier Kamundu, whose name has been changed for security reasons, was sheltering from the fighting at home with his wife and children.
“Suddenly I heard my wife cry out. She fell, hit by a stray bullet,” he recalled.
Neighbors braved the gunfire to come and help, and a vehicle was found to transport his wife to hospital, ultimately saving her life.
Hospitals were overwhelmed with the wounded and bodies covered in white bags piled up at the morgues.
“She is slowly recovering, but it isn’t easy — she has a lot of wounds around her stomach,” Kamundu said.
Oppressive quiet
A year on, Goma residents endure “constant oppression” by the M23 group, government spokesman Patrick Muyaya said.
In the weeks that followed its capture, the streets emptied out at nightfall and the buzz evaporated from the bars that had once offered some respite in a region scarred by three decades of conflict.
Escaped prisoners, militia fighters and soldiers who had evaded capture roamed the city after dark, breaking into homes and threatening residents.
With the police and court system no longer functioning, the M23 eventually began to systematically cordon off neighborhoods in search of criminals.
By late May, several hundred men were sitting on the dark volcanic gravel covering the streets of Murambi village on Goma’s northern outskirts, watched over by members of the M23.
Local leaders and families are ordered to identify those they recognize as upstanding citizens. The others are detained.
Rough justice
But on the street, anyone deemed suspicious looking drew the M23’s ire.
People spoke of those who had been hauled off to the city sports stadium serving as an open-air prison for wearing dirty clothes or having an untidy beard.
An M23 spokesman invited reporters on several occasions to view the results of the operation — detainees separated into categories.
Desperate families crowded at the entrance, pleading to get their relatives released.
Those not cleared by testimony deemed reliable ended up at secret detention sites. NGO reports denounced torture and summary executions.
But, in time, residents and observers agreed that Goma’s streets were returning to relative safety.
With no independent justice system in place, opponents of the M23 faced repression, some accused of being in cahoots with the pro-government militia.
In October, the armed group — whose declared aim is to overthrow the government and end corruption — began appointing magistrates, but observers indicated there was little impartiality.
Despite parallel peace efforts backed by the United States and Qatar, the M23 launched a new offensive on the strategic town of Uvira near the Burundi border in December.
“These events have shown that the Rwandan president is not at all comfortable with peace processes,” Muyaya, the government spokesman, said.
‘Ideological training’
Most civil society representatives and rights campaigners had fled Goma before the M23 entered.
Civilians and former government combatants were forcibly recruited by the M23, which announced it had 7,000 new members in its ranks in September.
At the same time, the group began to impose taxes to finance its war effort but the city, already on its knees, has had no functioning banks for a year after the government ordered their closure to cut off the rebellion’s funding.
The airport remains inaccessible and trade between Goma and areas under government control has dwindled.
Civil servants were among the first to feel the blow of such cuts.
“There were about 200 agents here; around 20 left to work” in government-held areas, urban planning officer Claude Mumbere said.
“The others are here doing nothing,” added the officer, whose name has also been modified for security reasons.
Some had to undergo “ideological training” provided by the M23.
Mother-of-three Madeleine Mubuto’s husband lost his job.
“We had set aside a small amount of money at home that helped us at first, but after a year almost all of it is used up,” she said.
In the absence of cash, Rwanda’s currency is now used at Goma’s markets.
“Many are wondering how long this situation is going to last,” Kamundu said, adding: “We adapt because we have nowhere to go.”