Jordan says planned city in the desert will not be ‘new Amman’

Above, a car passes a sign on a desert highway where the Jordanian government announced it will build a yet-to-be-named city, with the first phase to be completed by 2030 and the entire project by 2050. (AP)
Updated 08 December 2017
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Jordan says planned city in the desert will not be ‘new Amman’

MADOUNEH, Jordan: A shiny new city is to arise from Jordan’s desert over the next three decades, potentially rivaling the kingdom’s capital of Amman, a rapidly growing and increasingly unwieldy metropolis of 4 million people.
Announcing plans for what it portrays as a high-tech utopia, Jordan joined other Middle Eastern countries betting on multi-million-dollar mega projects as an investment magnet and quick economic fix.
Yet some urban planners warn that “cities from scratch” are risky endeavors and argue it’s more efficient to improve existing cities.
In Jordan, the government promises the yet-to-be-named city will draw population away from Amman, relieve its crippling traffic jams, provide middle-class housing and inject momentum into a sluggish economy plagued by high unemployment.
But authorities have released only snippets of information since the prime minister mentioned the new city for the first time, seemingly casually, in a meeting with local journalists in late October.
This perceived secrecy and “top-down” approach has drawn widespread criticism.
Few Jordanians have shown much enthusiasm, even among Amman residents who complain constantly of the city’s traffic. Some suspect the new city is largely meant to benefit Jordan’s powerful and their business cronies. Government officials deny that.
This week, Amman Mayor Yousef Shawarbeh defended the rocky rollout in a meeting with business people, diplomats and representatives of the energy and environmental sectors, many of whom seemed skeptical.
“The topic hasn’t been fully studied yet,” the mayor said when pressed for details. “When we conclude the studies, we will announce plans and have clear roles for government, citizens, investors, and so on.”
Shawarbeh insisted that Amman would not be neglected as Jordan, buckling under record public debt, shifts scarce resources to the new project. “The new city is not a new Amman,” he said. But it is needed, he argued, to relieve pressure on the capital.
Amman was a hamlet just a century ago and is seen as an upstart among the region’s ancient cities, such as Baghdad and Cairo. Today, Amman is home to more than 40 percent of Jordan’s population of 9.5 million.
Almost every hour of the day is rush hour and urban sprawl is rapidly devouring precious green areas. Districts of mid-rise, sand-covered residential buildings spread over hills and valleys, with a few high-rise towers marking the city center.
Rapid growth has been driven by an influx of hundreds of thousands of Palestinian, Syrian and Iraqi refugees in recent decades.
It is also linked to accelerated urbanization across the Middle East and North Africa, where populations flock from underdeveloped rural areas into cities looking for greater job opportunities. By 2050, more than two-thirds of the region’s anticipated 646 million people will live in cities, compared to 56 percent of 357 million people in 2010, according to UN projections.
In the past two decades, some two dozen new city projects were announced in the Middle East. About half remain “power point cities” existing only on websites, said Sarah Moser, an urban geography professor at McGill University in Montreal. Others are well behind schedule.
She said builders of new cities often underestimate challenges, including raising huge sums of capital and finding the necessary expertise. In such for-profit enterprises, plans for less lucrative public transport systems often remain on paper.
“I would suggest Jordan proceed with caution,” Moser said.
Egypt’s multi-billion-dollar plan for a new capital, announced in 2015, fell behind schedule after the country switched contractors. But President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi is determined to forge ahead. He plans to rule from the new city by 2019, leaving behind unruly Cairo, the Arab world’s largest city.
When pressed why the government is spending huge sums at a time of economic hardship, he said recently: “Isn’t it our right to have a dream? Is it wrong to have 13 cities like this or what? Don’t we deserve it?“
Several planned cities did advance over the years, including King Abdullah Economic City in Saudi Arabia, Modiin in Israel and Rawabi in the Palestinian territories.
Jordan’s new city would be built about 30 kilometers east of Amman on a desolate desert plain flanked by roads leading to Saudi Arabia, Iraq and — in the future — the country’s main airport. It’s to be built as a public-private partnership on state land, with first tenders to be submitted by mid-2018.
Officials have said little about how it will look other than describing it as a “smart city” running on renewable energy and boasting public transport. Eventually it would cover 390 square kilometers, an area a little smaller than the borough of Queens in New York City.
The first phase is to be completed by 2030 and the entire project by 2050, but the government has not announced a target population size. Many government departments and public institutions are to relocate there, it said. Housing cooperatives of civil servants, professionals and former members of the security forces would be able to build in the new city.
During a visit last week, the earmarked area was largely deserted, except for the occasional truck and car passing. The closest human activity is a truck station called Madouneh, though further out in the deserts beyond the site lie the Azraq camp for Syrian refugees, a military base and scattered abandoned ancient fortresses called qasrs.
The city is meant to ease overcrowding in Amman and Zarqa, a working-class city of 1.3 million. With urban sprawl, the two cities have been growing toward each other and are expected to have a combined population of 10 million by 2050.
Some suspect that the urban construction plans are largely meant to distract from economic problems, including tax hikes and further subsidy cuts, including for bread. “It makes people busy with a long-term vision” at a time of painful fiscal decisions, said political analyst Amer Sabaileh.
Critics also predict it will sap any development in Amman and Jordan’s other cities, chaotic and decidedly not high-tech and gleaming.
“Our cities should be developed, instead of building another one,” said Maram Tawil, an urban planning professor at the German-Jordanian University in Amman.
Tawil and colleagues at her university propose, among other things, to create service centers in urban neighborhoods to relieve traffic pressure on the city center and help save green spaces.
Tawil called on city planners to look for strategic solutions, saying that if Amman keeps growing at the current uncontrolled pace, “it will be impossible to live in.”
If it’s business as usual, then “a new Amman will be needed,” she said.


A ceasefire holds in Syria but civilians live with fear and resentment

Updated 27 January 2026
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A ceasefire holds in Syria but civilians live with fear and resentment

  • The Arab-majority population in the areas that changed hands, Raqqa and Deir Ezzor, have celebrated the SDF’s withdrawal after largely resenting its rule
  • But thousands of Kurdish residents of those areas fled, and non-Kurdish residents remain in Kurdish-majority enclaves still controlled by the SDF

QAMISHLI: Fighting this month between Syria’s government and Kurdish-led forces left civilians on either side of the frontline fearing for their future or harboring resentment as the country’s new leaders push forward with transition after years of civil war.
The fighting ended with government forces capturing most of the territory previously held by the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces in the country’s northeast, and a fragile ceasefire is holding. SDF fighters will be absorbed into Syria’s army and police, ending months of disputes.
The Arab-majority population in the areas that changed hands, Raqqa and Deir Ezzor, have celebrated the SDF’s withdrawal after largely resenting its rule.
But thousands of Kurdish residents of those areas fled, and non-Kurdish residents remain in Kurdish-majority enclaves still controlled by the SDF. The International Organization for Migration has registered more than 173,000 people displaced.
Fleeing again and again
Subhi Hannan is among them, sleeping in a chilly schoolroom in the SDF-controlled city of Qamishli with his wife, three children and his mother after fleeing Raqqa.
The family is familiar with displacement after the years of civil war under former President Bashar Assad. They were first displaced from their hometown of Afrin in 2018, in an offensive by Turkish-backed rebels. Five years later, Hannan stepped on a land mine and lost his legs.
During the insurgent offensive that ousted Assad in December 2024, the family fled again, landing in Raqqa.
In the family’s latest flight this month, Hannan said their convoy was stopped by government fighters, who arrested most of their escort of SDF fighters and killed one. Hannan said fighters also took his money and cell phone and confiscated the car the family was riding in.
“I’m 42 years old and I’ve never seen something like this,” Hannan said. “I have two amputated legs, and they were hitting me.”
Now, he said, “I just want security and stability, whether it’s here or somewhere else.”
The father of another family in the convoy, Khalil Ebo, confirmed the confrontation and thefts by government forces, and said two of his sons were wounded in the crossfire.
Syria’s defense ministry in a statement acknowledged “a number of violations of established laws and disciplinary regulations” by its forces during this month’s offensive and said it is taking legal action against perpetrators.
A change from previous violence
The level of reported violence against civilians in the clashes between government and SDF fighters has been far lower than in fighting last year on Syria’s coast and in the southern province of Sweida. Hundreds of civilians from the Alawite and Druze religious minorities were killed in revenge attacks, many of them carried out by government-affiliated fighters.
This time, government forces opened “humanitarian corridors” in several areas for Kurdish and other civilians to flee. Areas captured by government forces, meanwhile, were largely Arab-majority with populations that welcomed their advance.
One term of the ceasefire says government forces should not enter Kurdish-majority cities and towns. But residents of Kurdish enclaves remain fearful.
The city of Kobani, surrounded by government-controlled territory, has been effectively besieged, with residents reporting cuts to electricity and water and shortages of essential supplies. A UN aid convoy entered the enclave for the first time Sunday.
On the streets of SDF-controlled Qamishli, armed civilians volunteered for overnight patrols to watch for any attack.
“We left and closed our businesses to defend our people and city,” said one volunteer, Suheil Ali. “Because we saw what happened in the coast and in Sweida and we don’t want that to be repeated here.”
Resentment remains
On the other side of the frontline in Raqqa, dozens of Arab families waited outside Al-Aqtan prison and the local courthouse over the weekend to see if loved ones would be released after SDF fighters evacuated the facilities.
Many residents of the region believe Arabs were unfairly targeted by the SDF and often imprisoned on trumped-up charges.
At least 126 boys under the age of 18 were released from the prison Saturday after government forces took it over.
Issa Mayouf from the village of Al-Hamrat, was waiting with his wife outside the courthouse Sunday for word about their 18-year-old son, who was arrested four months ago. Mayouf said he was accused of supporting a terrorist organization after SDF forces found Islamic chants as well as images on his phone mocking SDF commander Mazloum Abdi.
“SDF was a failure as a government,” Mayouf said “And there were no services. Look at the streets, the infrastructure, the education. It was all zero.”
Northeast Syria has oil and gas reserves and some of the country’s most fertile agricultural land. The SDF “had all the wealth of the country and they did nothing with it for the country,” Mayouf said.
Mona Yacoubian, director of the Middle East Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, said Kurdish civilians in besieged areas are terrified of “an onslaught and even atrocities” by government forces or allied groups.
But Arabs living in formerly SDF-controlled areas “also harbor deep fears and resentment toward the Kurds based on accusations of discrimination, intimidation, forced recruitment and even torture while imprisoned,” she said.
“The experience of both sides underscores the deep distrust and resentment across Syria’s diverse society that threatens to derail the country’s transition,” Yacoubian said.
She added it’s now on the government of interim Syrian President Ahmad Al-Sharaa to strike a balance between demonstrating its power and creating space for the country’s anxious minorities to have a say in their destiny.