‘Where would America be without us?’ A community of refugees is stunned by White House limits

Federal immigration officers briefly detain a respondent as she departs from her hearing at US immigration court in Manhattan, in New York City, on October 30, 2025. (REUTERS)
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Updated 01 November 2025
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‘Where would America be without us?’ A community of refugees is stunned by White House limits

  • Trumps order caps annual refugee admissions at 7,500, a decrease of more than 90 percent from last year’s ceiling of 125,000
  •  Coalition says the directive “shut the door on our proud, centuries-long tradition of welcoming those fleeing violence and persecution”

MINNEAPOLIS: The woman remembers when she first moved to the neighborhood more than 20 years ago, and the streets were full of empty storefronts and seemingly relentless poverty.
Today, Minneapolis’ Lake Street corridor is jammed with businesses, many owned by Somali refugees.
“Look at what we did around here,” said Nasra Hassan, a community health worker whose family came to Minneapolis fleeing Somalia’s civil war, speaking one day after the Trump administration slashed the number of refugees allowed into the United States. “Because of us this place is thriving.”
Minnesota’s large Somali community was among the immigrant groups that helped revitalize the Lake Street corridor, which has long called out to newcomers to America. But scattered across the city are other communities and many other businesses built by refugees. They came to escape violence in Mexico, and war in Myanmar. Recent years have seen them arrive from the Congo and Ukraine.
“Where would America be without us?” Hassan asked.
The presidential order caps annual refugee admissions at 7,500, a decrease of more than 90 percent from last year’s ceiling of 125,000 and the lowest number since the program began in 1980.
Trump indefinitely suspended the refugee resettlement program — which historically had widespread bipartisan support — on his first day in office in 2025, part of his administration’s crackdown on immigration.
But the Thursday order marks a major break for a nation that has long seen itself as a refuge for people in need.




 migrant is detained by federal immigration officers at US immigration court in Manhattan, in New York City, on August 5, 2025.( REUTERS/File Photo)

The directive “shut the door on our proud, centuries-long tradition of welcoming those fleeing violence and persecution, leaving thousands in limbo and many more in peril,” Murad Awawdeh, head of the New York Immigration Coalition, said in a statement. He called for “prioritizing those most at-risk, including Afghans, Sudanese, Congolese, Somalis, religious minorities,” and others.
Traditionally, refugee applicants must show a well-founded fear of persecution because of race, religion, nationality, membership in a social group, or political opinion.
But the Thursday announcement made specific mention of just one group: white South Africans.
Those admitted, it said, “shall primarily be allocated among Afrikaners from South Africa,” the descendants of Dutch and French colonial settlers, and “other victims of illegal or unjust discrimination in their respective homelands.”
Trump insists Afrikaners are victims of racial persecution, including violence, a claim that has little apparent basis in fact and is strongly denied by the South African government.
Afrikaners are a small minority in South Africa but are tightly woven into the country’s life, whether as farmers, wealthy business leaders or government officials.
Minnesota’s Somali community
Minnesota is home to the largest Somali community in the United States, roughly 87,000 people according to the latest census figures, most of whom live in the Minneapolis area. They have been coming to Minnesota, often as refugees, since the 1990s, drawn by generous social services and an ever-growing diaspora community.
They have become increasingly prominent in the state. Somali-Americans have served on the Minneapolis and St. Paul city councils. They are in the state legislature. Democratic Rep. Ilhan Omar represents part of the state in the US House.




Women walk down a street in the predominantly Somali neighborhood of Cedar-Riverside in Minneapolis on May 12, 2022. (AP Photo/File)

oday, the Somali community is concentrated in a handful of Minneapolis neighborhoods, including in the Lake Street corridor around the Karmel Mall and its dozens of Somali businesses.
The mall has clothing stores, travel and money transfer agencies, bakeries and a seemingly endless number of coffee shops: Faida Kafe, Sharif’s Coffee, Lativa Cafeteria, Happy Café, and more.
Across the street is a grocery store advertising goat and camel meat. Nearby are Somali-owned auto body shops, more clothing stories and still more coffee shops.
Fartun Weli, a prominent Somali activist, said refugees – from Somalia, Latin America and elsewhere — have seeped deeply into Minnesota life, whether as health care aides or helping stabilize the workforce of shrinking small towns. She wonders what will happen if they can no longer find a haven in the US
“Who is going to take care of our elders, or work in our factories?” she asked.


Pushed to margins, women vanish from Bangladesh’s political arena

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Pushed to margins, women vanish from Bangladesh’s political arena

DHAKA: For more than three decades, Bangladesh was one of the few countries in the world to be led by women, yet there are almost none on the February 12 ballots.
Despite helping to spearhead the uprising that led to this vote, women are poised to be largely excluded from the South Asian country’s political arena.
Regardless of which parties win next week, the outcome will see Bangladesh governed almost exclusively by men.
“I used to be proud that even though my country is not the most liberal, we still had two women figureheads at the top,” first-time voter Ariana Rahman, 20. told AFP.
“Whoever won, the prime minister would be a woman.”
Women make up less than four percent of the candidates for this election: just 76 among the 1,981 contestants vying for 300 parliamentary seats.
And most of the parties put only men on their tickets.
Women’s political representation has always been limited in the conservative South Asian nation. Since independence, the highest number elected was 22 in 2018.
But from 1991 until the 2024 revolution, Bangladesh was helmed, represented abroad and politically defined by two women: Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia.
Zia died in December after leading the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) for four decades and serving three terms as premier.
Hasina, the five-time prime minister overthrown in the July 2024 uprising, is hiding in India and sentenced to death in absentia for crimes against humanity.

- ‘Censored, vilified, judged’ -

Many rights campaigners had hoped the revolution that ended Hasina’s autocratic rule would usher in a period of greater equality, including for women.
While the caretaker government of Nobel Peace Prize winner Muhammad Yunus set up a Women’s Affairs Reform Commission, his interim administration has also been criticized for sidelining the body and making unilateral decisions without consulting women officials.
And there has been a surge of open support for Islamist groups, which want to limit women’s participation in public life.
After years of being suppressed, emboldened hard-liners have demanded organizers of religious commemorations and other public events remove women from the line-up, as well as calling for restrictions on activities like women’s football matches.
“Historically, women’s participation has always been low in our country, but there was an expectation for change after the uprising, which never happened,” said Mahrukh Mohiuddin, the spokesperson for women’s political rights organization Narir Rajnoitik Odhikar Forum (Women’s Political Rights Forum).
An entrenched patriarchal mindset means women are often relegated to household duties, she added.
Those who dare to speak out often face hostility.
“Women are censored, vilified... judged for simply being part of a political party,” said uprising leader Umama Fatema. “That is the reality.”
Even the group formed by student leaders of the revolution, the National Citizen Party (NCP), is fielding just two women among its 30 candidates.
“I don’t take part in any decision?making of my party, (and) the biggest and most important decisions are not taken in our presence,” said NCP member Samantha Sharmeen.
The NCP has allied with Jamaat-e-Islami, the largest Islamist party and one of 30 parties to have failed to nominate a single woman.

- ‘Can’t be any women leaders’ -

Jamaat’s assistant secretary general, Ahsanul Mahboob Zubair, said society was not yet “ready and safe” for women in politics.
Nurunnesa Siddiqa of its women’s wing added: “In an Islamic organization, there can’t be any women leaders, we have accepted that.”
One of the few women running in this election, Manisha Chakraborty, said women’s participation in Bangladesh’s politics has long been limited to tokenization.
The nation of 170 million people directly elects 300 lawmakers to its parliament, while another 50 are selected on a separate women’s list.
“The concept of reserved seats is insulting,” said Chakraborty, whose Bangladesh Socialist Party has nominated 10 women among it 29 candidates — the highest share in this poll.
“Lobbying, internal preference, nepotism — all play a role in making women’s participation in parliament just a formality,” she told AFP.
Former minister Abdul Moyeen Khan said the reserved seats “were meant to help women establish a foothold,” but “the opposite happened.”
Selima Rahman, the only woman on the BNP’s standing committee, said promising women leaders often “fade away” due to a lack of party support.
And while Zia and Hasina served important symbolic roles, she pointed to how both had been elevated to the pinnacle of power through family connections.
Student voter Ariana Rahman fears a long struggle lies ahead.
“More women in this election would have made me feel better represented,” she said. “The next few years are likely to be more hostile toward women.”