Political novices drawn to rally against Netanyahu

Protesters gather with Israeli flags during a demonstration against the Israeli government near the Prime Minister's residence in Jerusalem. (AFP)
Short Url
Updated 13 August 2020
Follow

Political novices drawn to rally against Netanyahu

  • The boisterous rallies have brought out a new breed of first-time protesters — young, middle-class Israelis

JERUSALEM: In a summer of protests against Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the accusations of corruption and calls for him to resign could be accompanied by another familiar refrain: “I’ve never done this before.”

The boisterous rallies have brought out a new breed of first-time protesters — young, middle-class Israelis who have little history of political activity but feel that Netanyahu’s scandal-plagued rule and his handling of the coronavirus crisis have robbed them of their futures. It is a phenomenon that could have deep implications for the country’s leaders.

“It’s not only about the COVID-19 and the government’s handling of the situation,” said Shachar Oren, a 25-year-old protester. “It’s also about the people that cannot afford to eat and cannot afford to live. I am one of those people.”

Oren is among the thousands of people who gather outside Netanyahu’s official residence in Jerusalem several times a week, calling on the longtime leader to resign. The young demonstrators have delivered a boost of momentum to a movement of older, more established protesters who have been saying Netanyahu should step down when he is on trial for corruption charges.

The loose-knit movements have joined forces to portray Netanyahu as an out-of-touch leader, with the country’s most bloated government in history and seeking hundreds of thousands of dollars of tax benefits for himself at a time when the coronavirus outbreak is raging and unemployment has soared to over 20 percent.

Many of the young protesters have lost their jobs or seen their career prospects jeopardized. They have given the protests a carnival-like atmosphere, pounding on drums and dancing in the streets in colorful costumes while chanting vitriolic slogans against the prime minister.

Netanyahu has tried to dismiss the protesters as “leftists” or “anarchists.” Erel Segal, a commentator close to the prime minister, has called the gatherings “a Woodstock of hatred.”

Despite such claims, there are no signs that any opposition parties are organizing the gatherings. Politicians have been noticeably absent from most of the protests.

Israel has a long tradition of political protest, be it peace activists, West Bank settlers or ultra-Orthodox Jews. The new wave of protesters seems to be characterized by a broader, mainstream appeal.

“The partisan issue is totally missing, and the party organizations are not present,” said Tamar Hermann, a researcher at the Israel Democracy Institute, a Jerusalem think tank and expert on protest movements.

Hermann said the protesters resemble many other protest movements around the world. “They are mostly middle class,” she said. “And they were kicked out of work.”

Oren, for instance, said he used to survive on a modest salary as a software analyst thanks to training he received in an Israeli military high-tech unit. Then he moved into tutoring — offering lessons in English, computers and chess to schoolchildren.

He said things were not easy, but he was “too busy surviving” to think about political activity. That changed when the coronavirus crisis began in March.

Oren’s business crashed.

With unemployment soaring, Netanyahu and his rival, Benny Gantz, formed a coalition with 34 Cabinet ministers, the largest government in Israel’s history. Beyond the generous salaries, these ministers, many with vague titles, enjoy perks like drivers, security guards and office space, and can hand out jobs to cronies.

A Netanyahu ally dismissed reports that people were having trouble feeding their families as “BS.”

Oren said he became “furious,” and about two months ago, he went to his first protest against the nation’s leaders. “They are there because we gave them the power and want them to help us. And they’re not doing anything,” he explained.

Oren now treks to Jerusalem from his home in the city of Kfar Saba in central Israel, about an hour away, three times a week. He is easily recognizable with his poster that says “House of Corruption,” depicting Netanyahu in a pose similar to Kevin Spacey’s nefarious “House of Cards” character, Frank Underwood.

Oren says he does not belong to any political party or any of the movements organizing the rallies, but that the diverse group of activists all want similar things. “No to the corruption, the poverty, the detachment. We’re just saying enough,” he said.

University student Stav Piltz went through a similar evolution. Living in downtown Jerusalem near Netanyahu’s residence, she quickly noticed the demonstrations in her neighborhood when they began several months ago. She talked to protesters as well as local residents at the cafe where she waitressed before she was laid off.

She said she noticed a common theme. “They feel that something is very critical now in the political climate and no one is listening to the citizens and the pain we are experiencing,” she said.

But Piltz said the spark that drew her to protest was a national strike last month by the country’s social workers.

Piltz, herself a social work student, said she has a history of social activism but has never been involved with party politics. The collection of women, coming from different religious, political, ethnic and racial backgrounds, was a powerful sight. “This is where I saw how much power we have when we are together,” she said.

The demonstrations, which have gained strength in recent weeks, are the largest sustained wave of public protests since hundreds of thousands of people took to the streets in 2011 to draw attention to the country’s high cost of living. While those protests ultimately fizzled, two of their leaders entered parliament, and one, Itzik Shmuli, is now the country’s welfare minister.

Both Piltz and Oren said they are determined to keep up their activities in the long term.

“People have nothing to lose. So it’s very easy to go demonstrate these days, especially if you’re young and you see no future here,” Piltz said.

Hermann, the political analyst, said too many Israeli youths have been “politically ignorant” and that it is a “very good sign” for the country’s democracy that people are becoming involved.

The leaders, however, may not be so pleased to face a politically aware young generation.

“They are much more difficult to be controlled while they gain political views and confidence,” she said.


Yemen PM Al-Zindani to Asharq Al-Awsat: Govt. to move to Aden soon, Foreign Ministry retained to complete reforms

Updated 5 sec ago
Follow

Yemen PM Al-Zindani to Asharq Al-Awsat: Govt. to move to Aden soon, Foreign Ministry retained to complete reforms

  • Dr. Shaya Al-Zindani pledges gradual institutional rebuilding as government prepares to relocate to Aden and restore effective governance
  • New prime minister retains foreign affairs portfolio to complete diplomatic restructuring and reinforce Yemen’s international standing

RIYADH: Yemen’s Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, Dr. Shaya Al-Zindani, has signaled the first concrete move by his newly sworn-in government, announcing that it will relocate to Aden in the near future, just 24 hours after taking the constitutional oath.

In remarks to Asharq Al-Awsat, Al-Zindani said his decision to retain the foreign affairs portfolio was driven by the need “to complete the work already begun,” stressing that a return to Yemen is essential to restoring effective governance.

He noted that the move inside the country is a necessary step to activate performance, adding that a presence in Aden must be linked to a genuine ability to manage state files and restore regular institutional functioning.

General view of Aden, an ancient port city in the southern part of the Arabian peninsula, which serves as temporary seat of the UN-backed government of Yemen. (AFP)

The comments came during a special episode of the Asharq Al-Awsat Podcast, recorded at Asharq TV studios at the Saudi Research and Media Group headquarters in Riyadh’s King Abdullah Financial District.

Al-Zindani spoke at a time of acute economic pressure and heightened political expectations. 

He said the current phase does not allow for expansive rhetoric, but rather requires gradual, practical work to rebuild confidence, noting that stabilizing institutional rhythm must precede any expansion of objectives.

Addressing questions on the composition of his cabinet, Al-Zindani highlighted that ministers were selected on purely professional criteria, based on competence, specialization, and experience, away from partisan dictates.

He emphasized that weak institutional foundations had been a central cause of past failures, underscoring the need to rebuild state structures and strengthen oversight.

He pointed to relative improvements in some public services, particularly electricity, with Saudi support, while noting that the real challenge lies in sustaining economic reforms and managing resources effectively.

On accountability, he argued that unifying political decision-making has opened the door to enforcing the rule of law. When authority is unified, reward and punishment become possible, he underlined.

On economic policy, Al-Zindani avoided quick promises, instead focusing on resource management and reprioritization.

Recovery, he said, cannot be achieved through piecemeal decisions but requires restructuring public finance, enhancing transparency, and activating oversight mechanisms.

He stressed that financial stability is the foundation for any tangible improvement in citizens’ lives and for restoring domestic and international confidence.

He continued that working from within Yemen will enable the government to better understand societal priorities and reassert the state’s presence in public life, an influence eroded by years of conflict.

He described taking the oath in Riyadh as a constitutional and security necessity dictated by circumstances, arguing that attention should focus on the substance of government action rather than symbolism.

On security, Al-Zindani adopted a cautious, realistic tone, acknowledging that years of accumulated challenges cannot be erased quickly.

Still, he said coordination among security agencies and unified political leadership have led to relative improvements.

While recognizing protests as part of transitional phases, he stressed the need for adherence to legal frameworks to preserve stability and avoid derailment of recovery efforts.

According to the Yemeni official, reorganizing the armed forces requires unified command and redeploying units outside cities to consolidate state authority and reduce overlap between military and security roles.

He noted that multiple loyalties in previous phases weakened institutions and must be overcome to restore stability.

Internationally, he said unified political representation strengthens Yemen’s legal and diplomatic standing.

He justified retaining the foreign ministry to complete reforms already underway, including restructuring the ministry and overseas missions, describing diplomatic normalization as integral to rebuilding the state.

He further described relations with Saudi Arabia as having evolved from traditional support into a multi-dimensional partnership impacting vital sectors, with scope to expand cooperation in development and economic stability.

On the Houthis, Al-Zindani said the government showed flexibility in peace efforts but faced repeated noncompliance, adding that recent military and economic developments have weakened the group’s position.

Any future negotiations, he stressed, must rest on clear references, with unified anti-Houthi forces giving the government a stronger negotiating hand amid rapid regional and international shifts.