Lebanese elections bring Syria’s allies back to Parliament

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Supporters of a civil society movement rally in front of the Ministry of Interior in Beirut contesting the unofficial results in the Lebanese capital on May 7, 2018. (AFP / Anwar Amro)
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Supporters and volunteers of the coalition Kulna Watani or (We are all Patriots) gather at a Beirut shisha cafe as they watch television ahead of an expected announcement of elections results in Beirut, Lebanon, on May 6, 2018. (AP Photo/Hassan Ammar)
Updated 08 May 2018
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Lebanese elections bring Syria’s allies back to Parliament

  • The gains for parties and politicians who support Hezbollah’s possession of weapons, and agree with the party fighting to defend Assad’s regime from his rebelling population, will mean dire days ahead for the divided country.
  • The post-election celebration by Hezbollah militants, who managed to hang their flag on a Rafiq Hariri statue, can only point to tough days ahead to unite a divided Lebanese population.

LONDON: Election results in Lebanon show the country has once again tilted in the direction of an era of Syrian and Iranian control.

Hezbollah and its political allies won just more than half the seats in Parliament, boosting the Iranian-backed group fiercely opposed to Israel, and underlining Tehran’s growing regional clout. 

The elections have put an end to the movement born after the assassination of the former Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri in 2005 to free Lebanon from its enslavement to foreign governments.

Lebanon, as a result, is once again part and parcel of the so called Tehran-led Shiite crescent from Iran through Iraq and Syria to Lebanon. 

Three tactics were used by Hezbollah and its allies to wipe out once and for all the movement that opposed them. 

Firstly, there was the new complex and sectarian-based election system adopted last year that made no sense to the disillusioned Lebanese electorate. More than 50 percent of registered voters stayed away from the ballot boxes, more than at the last election nine years ago.

The second was the use of assassination as a tool to silence dissent. Over the past 14 years, Hezbollah, the Assad regime in Syria, and Iran allegedly conspired to reduce the March 14 coalition’s majority in the Lebanese Parliament, according to several UN resolutions and the findings of an international tribunal for Lebanon. 

The assassinations removed six MPs, politicians and journalist as well as army and interior-security generals. The trial of four Hezbollah operatives accused of planning and executing the car bomb that killed Rafiq Hariri has been ongoing for four years at the special tribunal at the Hague.

Since then, intimidation was used in a variety of ways to silence anti-Hezbollah politicians as well as areas and communities critical of the militia — the regional pawn of Iran, which declares itself the anti-Israeli resistance group. 

People linked to the March 14 movement were often harassed by thugs belonging to Hezbollah at rallies, and many were left to fend for themselves as Lebanon’s army and security forces remained neutral for fear of clashing with the heavily armed militia.

This was evident on May 7, 2008, when neighborhoods of Beirut and other anti-Hezbollah cities woke up to a takeover by Hezbollah militants while Lebanon’s army and police forces stood by, further eroding the authority of the Lebanese state. 

The gains for parties and politicians who support Hezbollah’s possession of weapons, and agree with the party fighting to defend Assad’s regime from his rebelling population, will mean dire days ahead for the divided country.

Their gains risk complicating Western policy in Lebanon, which is banking on foreign aid and loans to revive its stagnant economy and receiving US military support.

An Israeli minister said the outcome showed the Lebanese state was indistinguishable from Hezbollah, signalling the risk of Israel striking Lebanon’s government in a future war.

The post-election celebration by Hezbollah militants, who managed to hang their flag on a Rafiq Hariri statue, can only point to tough days ahead to unite a divided Lebanese population.

In Lebanon, the day-to-day problems will continue. Electricity will still be in short supply, garbage-processing plants will continue to be woefully inadequate. Elections in Lebanon have never solved the problem of corruption across all public sectors.

No one knows when Hezbollah’s militias are likely to withdraw from Syria, and a Saad Hariri government is unlikely to challenge the group to hand over its weapons or stop its stockpiling of ballistic missiles earmarked to destroy Israel, but clearly used to destroy Syria in the interim. 

The election may just have been another parliamentary vote in a small country, but in Lebanon, where wars are waged by proxies, and the divides run deep between secular and religious, Christians, Shias and Sunnis, one thing is certain — the results will further bury hope that the country will be free from outside interference for years to come.


Palestinians in the West Bank struggle to get by as Israel severely limits work permits

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Palestinians in the West Bank struggle to get by as Israel severely limits work permits

  • Many Palestinians in the occupied West Bank are struggling to get by after losing their permits to work inside Israel
  • Israel revoked around 100,000 permits after Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023, attack ignited the war in the Gaza Strip
TULKAREM, West Bank: Hanadi Abu Zant hasn’t been able to pay rent on her apartment in the occupied West Bank for nearly a year after losing her permit to work inside Israel. When her landlord calls the police on her, she hides in a mosque.
“My biggest fear is being kicked out of my home. Where will we sleep, on the street?” she said, wiping tears from her cheeks.
She is among some 100,000 Palestinians whose work permits were revoked after Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023, attack ignited the war in the Gaza Strip. Confined to the occupied territory, where jobs are scarce and wages far lower, they face dwindling and dangerous options as the economic crisis deepens.
Some have sold their belongings or gone into debt as they try to pay for food, electricity and school expenses for their children. Others have paid steep fees for black-market permits or tried to sneak into Israel, risking arrest or worse if they are mistaken for militants.
Israel, which has controlled the West Bank for nearly six decades, says it is under no obligation to allow Palestinians to enter for work and makes such decisions based on security considerations. Thousands of Palestinians are still allowed to work in scores of Jewish settlements across the West Bank, built on land they want for a future state.
Risk of collapse
The World Bank has warned that the West Bank economy is at risk of collapse because of Israel’s restrictions. By the end of last year, unemployment had surged to nearly 30 percent compared with around 12 percent before the war, according to the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics.
Before the war, tens of thousands of Palestinians worked inside Israel, mainly in construction and service jobs. Wages can be more than double those in the landlocked West Bank, where decades of Israeli checkpoints, land seizures and other restrictions have weighed heavily on the economy. Palestinians also blame the Palestinian Authority, which exercises limited self-rule in parts of the territory, for not doing enough to create jobs.
About 100,000 Palestinians had work permits that were revoked after the outbreak of the war. Israel has since reinstated fewer than 10,000, according to Gisha, an Israeli group advocating for Palestinian freedom of movement.
Wages earned in Israel injected some $4 billion into the Palestinian economy in 2022, according to the Institute for National Security Studies, an Israeli think tank. That’s equivalent to about two-thirds of the Palestinian Authority’s budget that year.
An Israeli official said Palestinians do not have an inherent right to enter Israel, and that permits are subject to security considerations. The official spoke on condition of anonymity in line with regulations.
Israel seized the West Bank, Gaza and east Jerusalem in the 1967 Mideast war, territories the Palestinians want for a future state. Some 3 million Palestinians live in the West Bank, along with over 500,000 Israeli settlers who can come and go freely.
The war in Gaza has brought a spike in Palestinian attacks on Israelis as well as settler violence. Military operations that Israel says are aimed at dismantling militant groups have caused heavy damage in the West Bank and displaced tens of thousands of Palestinians.
‘My refrigerator, it’s empty’
After her husband left her five years ago, Abu Zant secured a job at a food-packing plant in Israel that paid around $1,400 a month, enough to support her four children. When the war erupted, she thought the ban would only last a few months. She baked pastries for friends to scrape by.
Hasan Joma, who ran a business in Tulkarem before the war helping people find work in Israel, said Palestinian brokers are charging more than triple the price for a permit.
While there are no definite figures, tens of thousands of Palestinians are believed to be working illegally in Israel, according to Esteban Klor, professor of economics at Israel’s Hebrew University and a senior researcher at the INSS. Some risk their lives trying to cross Israel’s separation barrier, which consists of 9-meter high (30-foot) concrete walls, fences and closed military roads.
Shuhrat Barghouthi’s husband has spent five months in prison for trying to climb the barrier to enter Israel for work, she said. Before the war, the couple worked in Israel earning a combined $5,700 a month. Now they are both unemployed and around $14,000 in debt.
“Come and see my refrigerator, it’s empty, there’s nothing to feed my children,” she said. She can’t afford to heat her apartment, where she hasn’t paid rent in two years. She says her children are often sick and frequently go to bed hungry.
Sometimes she returns home to see her belongings strewn in the street by the landlord, who has been trying to evict them.
Forced to work in settlements
Of the roughly 48,000 Palestinians who worked in Israeli settlements before the war, more than 65 percent have kept their permits, according to Gisha. The Palestinians and most of the international community view the settlements, which have rapidly expanded in recent years, as illegal.
Israeli officials did not respond to questions about why more Palestinians are permitted to work in the settlements.
Palestinians employed in the settlements, speaking on condition of anonymity for fear of retribution, say their employers have beefed up security since the start of the war and are far more willing to fire anyone stepping out of line, knowing there are plenty more desperate for work.
Two Palestinians working in the Mishor Adumim settlement said security guards look through workers’ phones and revoke their permits arbitrarily.
Israelis have turned to foreign workers to fill jobs held by Palestinians, but some say it’s a poor substitute because they cost more and do not know the language. Palestinians speak Arabic, but those who work in Israel are often fluent in Hebrew.
Raphael Dadush, an Israeli developer, said the permit crackdown has resulted in costly delays.
Before the war, Palestinians made up more than half his workforce. He’s tried to replace them with Chinese workers but says it’s not exactly the same. He understands the government’s decision, but says it’s time to find a way for Palestinians to return that ensures Israel’s security.
Assaf Adiv, the executive director of an Israeli group advocating for Palestinian labor rights, says there has to be some economic integration or there will be “chaos.”
“The alternative to work in Israel is starvation and desperation,” he said.