Turkey, Iran and Iraq launch first joint anti-PKK operation

Turkey carried out airstrikes on PKK positions in Iraq’s Asos region. (Google Maps)
Updated 30 November 2017
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Turkey, Iran and Iraq launch first joint anti-PKK operation

ANKARA: Turkish jets carried out airstrikes on Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) positions in northern Iraq’s Asos region in coordination with Iraqi and Iranian intelligence on Monday, according to pro-government media reports in Turkey.

A Turkish General Staff statement said that the airstrikes with 30 fighters aircraft were launched in a region located 180 km south of the mountainous border with Turkey.

During the operation, which was supported by airborne warning and control planes, 41 targets were demolished, including tunnels and shelters used by the terror group, the statement said.

The Kurdistan Regional Government's referendum on Sept. 25 on independence from Iraq united the three countries in a common perception of threat. Following the Kurdish vote, Iraqi and Turkish forces conducted joint military drills on their shared border.

Ankara is concerned that the PKK may exploit a power vacuum in northern Iraq. Sharing intelligence for cross-border operations against the outlawed PKK is especially important in winter when terrorists seek refuge in northern Iraq’s mountainous regions, rendering operations difficult and dangerous, according to experts.

“Such a first-ever trilateral intelligence sharing will contribute a lot to Turkey’s anti-PKK terror operations,” Abdullah Agar, a security expert and retired special warfare and commando officer, told Arab News. "With this operation, we have seen Turkey produce an impact in a region 180 km away from its borders thanks to cooperation with central Iraqi and Iranian authorities.”

“This cooperation in identifying the locations of PKK targets and marking their coordinates is expected to grow further in the coming period,” he said.

Agar noted that this tripartite cooperation also shows a determination by the Turkish state to achieve a military equilibrium on multi-fronts to compensate for its deteriorating relations with the US, which traditionally provided Turkey with intelligence on PKK hideouts in northern Iraq.

In a series of operations across Turkey and northern Iraq during October, 152 PKK terrorists were killed and 129 hideouts were destroyed.

Ali Semin, a Middle East expert at the Bilgesam think tank in Istanbul, told Arab News that Turkey’s latest anti-PKK operation succeeded because Iran and Iraq have been intelligence sharing.

“It was just the beginning of these three countries boosting their counterterrorism cooperation in the near future. A joint operation with aerial attacks against PKK headquarters in northern Iraq’s Qandil and Sinjar mountains may be expected in early 2018,” he said.

According to Semin, as Tehran became isolated in the region because of international sanctions, it felt obliged to form a coalition with the Turkish and Iraqi central governments to preserve its regional gains.

“The region needs a collective security cooperation to defeat separatist Kurdish rebels active in these countries,” he said.

The PKK and its Iranian offshoot, Kurdistan Free Life Party (PJAK), have been waging an insurgency against the Turkish and Iranian states, and both countries consider Kurdish separatism a common threat.

 

Analysis: The perils of ‘Sudanizing’ Yemen

Updated 14 sec ago
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Analysis: The perils of ‘Sudanizing’ Yemen

  • Allowing one faction to impose its will by force and foreign backing is viewed by political observers as a recipe for disaster
  • Escalating developments in southern Yemen are raising regional concerns despite continued international calls for de-escalation

RIYADH: In a region already teetering on the edge, Yemen’s rapidly evolving situation on the ground is raising alarm bells. While international observers continue to place their bets on diplomacy and de-escalation, there is growing concern that the country may be inching toward a dangerous regional conflagration. At the heart of this anxiety lies the Yemeni government’s and the Coalition to Restore Legitimacy in Yemen’s unwavering commitment to preserving territorial unity and preventing the rise of extremist safe havens that could destabilize not just Yemen, but the broader region and beyond.

It would be naive to view developments in southern Yemen in isolation. The parallels with Sudan — where the Rapid Support Forces have left a trail of devastation and a massacre in places like El Fasher — and with the recent Israeli recognition of Somaliland, are too stark to ignore. These cases serve as cautionary tales of what could unfold in Yemen if the Southern Transitional Council were allowed to unilaterally impose a new reality through force and foreign alliances.

Saudi Arabia’s Foreign Ministry has struck a delicate but firm tone, drawing a clear red line when it comes to its own national security but acknowledging the just and historically rooted nature of the southern issue. Yet, it has also made clear that any resolution must emerge from consensus among Yemen’s diverse components — around the negotiating table, not on the battlefield. A military solution would only unravel years of painstaking efforts by the coalition and the internationally recognized Yemeni government to foster calm, even engaging with the Houthis in pursuit of a durable peace.

A Yemeni analyst familiar with the inner workings of the legitimate government noted that while southerners have a right to advocate for independence based on their historical and geographic claims, this cannot come at the expense of other Yemenis who believe in, and have arguments for, a united nation. Their voices, too, deserve to be heard.

“Historically, Yemen has been a unified and federated entity, from the Qasimid and Himyarite dynasties to the Rasulid state. The division of Yemen was not indigenous but imposed by colonial powers — most notably the British in the south, who ruled through a patchwork of emirates and sultanates, while the Ottomans held sway in the north. Even the city of Dhale was once under the rule of the imams. This artificial division persisted until 1990, when Yemen was reunited into its natural state,” he told Arab News.

To allow any group to redraw borders through armed force and foreign patronage is to invite catastrophe. It is worth recalling that these were precisely the conditions that sparked the last war, when the Houthis — backed by external actors — toppled the legitimate, UN-recognized government.

The analyst posed a sobering question: “If the STC is granted the right to establish a new state in the Arabian Peninsula under the banner of self-determination, what then of the Iran-aligned Houthis? They command a sizable following and control the historic capital. Should they too be allowed to dictate terms through force?”

He also asked: “Would the international community — and the US in particular — accept the emergence of a Houthi-Iranian state in northern Yemen? Would Washington tolerate a repeat of Sudan’s fragmentation before that tragedy is even resolved? And is the world prepared to bear the consequences of a prolonged war that threatens global shipping lanes, energy supplies, and regional stability — especially given the strategic importance of the Bab Al-Mandab Strait and the Red and Arabian seas?”

Recent history offers a grim verdict: Uncoordinated secessions without broad domestic consensus or clear international legal frameworks rarely yield stable states. Instead, they unleash prolonged chaos, institutional collapse, and open the door to armed groups and foreign meddling. Sovereignty becomes a mirage, replaced by a vacuum that breeds perpetual conflict.

In Yemen, the stakes are even higher. The country sits astride one of the world’s most vital maritime chokepoints, through which a significant share of global trade and Europe-bound energy supplies pass. Any security vacuum in southern Yemen would expose this artery to repeated shocks.

Moreover, such a vacuum would be a magnet for militant groups — whether terrorist networks or regional proxies — creating a new axis of instability stretching into the Gulf and threatening the security of maritime corridors. The STC, in this context, appears to be leaping into a void. It is not the sole representative of the south; other actors such as the Hadramout Alliance, the Southern Movement, and the Southern Coalition also hold sway. Many southern elites remain committed to a federal Yemen, as envisioned in the outcomes of the National Dialogue Conference — the only viable blueprint for a united yet decentralized state.

In short, the path forward must be paved with dialogue, not division. The alternative is not independence — it is implosion.