Why Israeli settler violence against Palestinians is surging in the West Bank

Human rights groups accuse Israel of using settler attacks on Palestinians as an informal tool for land appropriation, with official support and military backing. (AFP)
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Updated 08 July 2025
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Why Israeli settler violence against Palestinians is surging in the West Bank

  • Settler violence has increased, with more than 820 incidents recorded in the first half of 2025 — a 20 percent rise from last year
  • Human rights groups accuse Israel of using attacks as an informal tool for land appropriation, with official support and military backing

LONDON: It began with an incident of the type that has become all too familiar in the West Bank, and yet has lately been overlooked by global media coverage distracted by the wars in Gaza and Iran.

On June 25, a force of about 100 of Israeli settlers, many of them masked, descended on the Palestinian West Bank town of Kafr Malik, 17 kilometers northeast of Ramallah.

It wasn’t the first time the town had been attacked, but this time was different.

Emboldened by right-wing ministers in Israel’s coalition government, settlers across the West Bank have become increasingly aggressive toward their Arab neighbors.

Kafr Malik, which sits close to an illegal settlement established in 2019, has been attacked again and again. But this time, the consequences went beyond harassment, beatings, and the destruction of property.

Accounts of what happened vary, but the basic facts are clear. In what The Times of Israel described as “a settler rampage,” the attackers threw stones at residents and set fire to homes and cars.




Settlers had taken over vast areas in the West Bank. (AFP)

Men from the town formed a cordon to protect their families. In the words of a statement issued by the Israeli army, which until this point had not intervened, “at the scene, friction erupted between Israeli civilians and Palestinians, including mutual stone-throwing.”

The Israel Defense Forces then opened fire on the Palestinians, killing three men and wounding seven more, adding to a toll of more than 900 Palestinians killed in the West Bank and East Jerusalem since Oct. 7, 2023.

Five of the settlers were detained and handed over to the police. No charges have been forthcoming.

Daylight attacks like these have become increasingly commonplace in the West Bank, and routinely go unnoticed by the international community.

Attention was drawn to this one in part thanks to Saudi Arabia’s Foreign Ministry, which issued a statement denouncing “the continued violence perpetrated by Israeli settlers, under the protection of the occupation forces, against Palestinian civilians, including the attacks in the village of Kafr Malik.”

A statement released by Israeli human rights organization Yesh Din, which monitors settler violence in the West Bank, also condemned the latest violence.

“Under the auspices of (the) government and (with) military backing, settler violence in the West Bank continues and becomes more deadly by the day,” it said.

“This is what ethnic cleansing looks like.”

In the wake of the attack on Kafr Malik, Hussein Al-Sheikh, deputy to Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas, also laid the blame for settler violence on the Israeli government.

“The government of Israel, with its behavior and decisions, is pushing the region to explode,” he posted on X. “We call on the international community to intervene urgently to protect our Palestinian people.”

The “sad truth,” said Ameneh Mehvar, senior Middle East analyst at the independent conflict data organization ACLED, “is that this feels like deja vu, the same story repeating again and again.

“Although it’s not a new story, what is new is that settler violence is now increasing, with settlers becoming increasingly emboldened by the support that they’re receiving from the government.

“There is a culture of impunity. They don’t fear arrest, they don’t fear prosecution, and they don’t fear convictions. In the few cases when settlers are charged with an offense, less than three percent end in conviction.”

In November, Israel’s new defense minister, Israel Katz, announced that settlers would no longer be subject to military “administrative detention orders,” under which suspects can be held indefinitely without trial.

The orders remain in force for Palestinians, of whom, according to the Palestinian Prisoners’ Society, more than 1,000 remain detained, without charge or trial.




Daylight attacks have become increasingly commonplace in the West Bank, and routinely go unnoticed by the international community. (AFP)

On July 3, figures released by the UN children’s fund, UNICEF, revealed that between Oct. 7, 2023, and June 30 this year, at least 915 Palestinians, including 213 children, have been killed in the West Bank and East Jerusalem.

More than 9,500, including 1,631 children, have been injured.

Reflecting the recent Israeli military activity in the area, 77 percent of child killings in 2025 have been in the northern governorates of the West Bank, with the highest number of fatalities — 35 percent of the total — in Jenin.

According to figures compiled by ACLED, among the dead are 26 Palestinians killed in West Bank incidents involving settlers or soldiers escorting or protecting settlers.

Settlers have killed around a dozen people, while five more have died at the hands of “settlement emergency squads” — civilians armed by the Israeli government in the wake of the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas-led attack on southern Israel.

Seven were killed by the IDF, which intervened after arriving at scenes of violence initiated by settlers — exactly what happened at Kafr Malik.

that this year is on track to become one of the most violent years for settler violence since ACLED began its coverage in Palestine in 2016,” said Mehvar.

FASTFACTS

• Hamas on Friday said it was ready to start talks “immediately” on a proposal for a ceasefire in the war-torn Gaza Strip.

• Hamas ally Islamic Jihad said it supported ceasefire talks, but demanded “guarantees” that Israel “will not resume its aggression” once hostages held in Gaza were freed.

In addition, ACLED recorded more than 820 violent incidents involving settlers in the first six months of 2025 alone — a more than 20 percent increase compared to the same period last year.

“This means

Demonstrating just how emboldened settlers have become, many have clashed with units of the IDF in a series of incidents that began with the attack on Kafr Malik.

The settlers, who had been trying to establish an illegal outpost on Palestinian land near the village, turned on the soldiers, accusing the commander of being “a traitor.”

According to the IDF, they beat, choked, and hurled rocks at the troops, and slashed the tyres of a police vehicle.

Later that same evening, an army patrol vehicle in the vicinity was ambushed and stoned. The soldiers, who at first didn’t realize that their attackers were fellow Israelis, fired warning shots, one of which wounded a teenager, prompting further settler violence.

According to IDF reports, gangs of settlers tried to break into a military base in the central West Bank, throwing rocks and spraying pepper spray at troops, while in the Ramallah area an IDF security installation was torched.

These events have come as a shock to Israeli public opinion. In an editorial published on July 1, The Jerusalem Post condemned “the growing cancer of lawbreakers in (the) West Bank,” which “must be cut out, before it’s too late.”




Settler violence has increased with more than 820 incidents recorded in the first half of 2025 — a 20 percent rise from last year. (AFP)

It added that the “aggression by certain Jewish residents of Samaria (the Jewish name for the central region of the West Bank) against Palestinians” had been “overlooked during the past 20 months amid the hyperfocus on the Israel-Hamas war and the plight of hostages and then the lightning war with Iran,” but “it can’t be ignored — or swept under the rug — any longer.

“These fringe elements within the Jewish population … are not just terrorizing Palestinians — itself an affront — but they have no qualms about directing their violence against their fellow Israelis serving in the IDF.”

But singling out the extremist settlers for condemnation overlooks the reality that they have been encouraged and emboldened by the actions of ministers within the Israeli government, said Mehvar.

On May 29, defense minister Katz and finance minister Bezalel Smotrich authorized the construction of 22 new settlements and “outposts” in the West Bank.

They made no secret of the motive. The new settlements “are all placed within a long-term strategic vision,” they said in a statement.

The goal was “to strengthen the Israeli hold on the territory, to avoid the establishment of a Palestinian state, and to create the basis for future development of settlement in the coming decades.”

It was telling that the new settlements will include Homesh and Sa-Nur, two former settlements that were evacuated in 2005 along with all Israeli settlements in Gaza. Last year, the Knesset repealed a law that prevented settlers returning to the areas.

“The reality is that there have been so many incidents of violence, either by the army or by settlers, for a long time,” said Yair Dvir, spokesperson for Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem, the Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories.

“There is a state of permanent violence in the West Bank, which is happening all the time, and it’s part of the strategy of the apartheid regime of Israel, which seeks to take more and more land in the West Bank,” he told Arab News.

He accused the government of pursuing a policy of ethnic cleansing against the whole of Palestine. “And of course, it has used the war in Gaza to do the same also in the West Bank,” he added.

Keeping up with the unchecked proliferation of illegal outposts and settlements in the West Bank is extremely difficult because of the sheer pace and number of developments.

In November 2021, B’Tselem published a report revealing there were 280 settlements, of which 138 had been officially established by the state. In addition there were 150 outposts, often referred to as “farms,” not officially recognized by the state but allowed to operate freely.

Settlers had taken over vast areas in the West Bank, to which Palestinians had little or no access, B’Tselem reported in “State Business: Israel’s misappropriation of land in the West Bank through settler violence.”




“This is what ethnic cleansing looks like.” (AFP)

Some land had been “officially” seized by the state through military orders declaring an area “state land,” a “firing zone,” or a “nature reserve.” Other areas had been taken over by settlers “through daily acts of violence, including attacks on Palestinians and their property.”

The two methods of land seizure are often directly linked. “Settler violence against Palestinians serves as a major informal tool at the hands of the state to take over more and more West Bank land,” said the report.

“The state fully supports and assists these acts of violence, and its agents sometimes participate in them directly. As such, settler violence is a form of government policy, aided and abetted by official state authorities with their active participation.”

The report concluded that, in 2021, settlements in the West Bank were home to more than 44,000 settlers. But today, said Dvir, the figure is closer to 700,000.

“There has been a huge increase in the establishment of new outposts all over the West Bank in the past couple of years, even though all the settlements and outposts are illegal under international law,” he said.

“According to Israeli law, only the outposts are illegal, but they still get funding and infrastructure and, of course, are defended by the Israeli authorities.”

Mehvar fears the growth in officially sanctioned settlements is bound to see settler violence increase.




A surge in settler violence, backed by Israeli policy, is fueling clashes and land seizures across the West Bank. (AFP)

“There have always been attacks, but they were usually carried out at night, by a few individual criminals,” she said.

“But more and more we are seeing attacks in broad daylight, often in the presence of Israeli security forces, coordinated by settlers said to be communicating and organizing on WhatsApp groups.

“If more settlements are built, deep inside Palestine, not only will it make any hope of a Palestinian state almost impossible, but with so many settlers living in close proximity to Palestinian communities it will also make violence a lot more likely.”

 


‘People are suffering in a way you can’t even imagine’: Al Arabiya journalist recounts Sudan devastation

Updated 21 December 2025
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‘People are suffering in a way you can’t even imagine’: Al Arabiya journalist recounts Sudan devastation

  • Al Arabiya anchor Layal Alekhtiar’s journey through Sudan exposes the brutal reality behind the headlines
  • Millions are displaced, aid deliveries blocked, and camps are filled with traumatized women and children

RIYADH: Al Arabiya anchor Layal Alekhtiar arrived in Sudan expecting to interview the de facto president. What she encountered along the way, over six harrowing days on the ground, reshaped her understanding of violence, survival, and the limits of language itself.

Speaking to Arab News after her return, Alekhtiar described what she witnessed not as collateral damage or the fog of war, but as something far more deliberate and systematic: a “gender-ethnic genocide.”

What she saw was a campaign of targeted killings of men and the mass rape of women that has shattered entire communities and displaced millions. “People are suffering, suffering in a way you cannot imagine,” Alekhtiar told Arab News.

“Firstly, I am speaking about the displaced people in the refugee camps. Fifty percent of the women who had arrived there had been raped. These are the women I encountered in the camps.

“For them (the militias), this is something they have to do to the women before allowing them to exit the war zone that they are in.

“Some of the women are much older, some of them are young girls, very young girls, 13, 14, 15, 16, and they have children who they don’t even know who the father is because they were raped by three or four, multiple masked men.”

Since the conflict erupted in April 2023, the civil war in Sudan — driven by a power struggle between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces — has displaced millions and left a trail of murder and sexual violence in its wake.

Alekhtiar does not believe placing further sanctions on Sudan is necessarily the solution. (Supplied)

Men are killed before reaching aid sites while women and girls are often raped so violently they require surgery. Mothers are found dead, still clutching their children. Pregnancies from gang rape are widespread.

This was not abstract reporting for Alekhtiar. It was what she saw.

She travelled to Port Sudan on Dec. 2 to interview Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan, the head of the Sudanese Armed Forces and Sudan’s de facto president.

However, at the request of his office, the interview was to take place in Khartoum — a city without functioning airport infrastructure and retaken from the RSF only in March.

With a small team — a videographer, producer and driver — Alekhtiar undertook the gruelling 12-hour drive from Port Sudan to the capital.

“Looking from one area to another area, you see the difference, you see the depression, you see it on the faces, you see it on the street, you see it everywhere, and you see the effect of the war,” she said.

The destruction was physical as well as psychological. “We saw so many cars and even RSF trucks that were scorched and burned on the side of the road.”

What unsettled her most was not only the scale of the devastation, but the fact that it was inflicted by Sudanese on Sudanese.

“What I have heard from them, there is no way someone can be a human being and can do that. No way. It’s impossible,” she said.

“And the way the city, the way Khartoum is destroyed, no way a person in their own country would do something like this. It’s crazy.”

Along the journey, Alekhtiar spoke to locals wherever she could, asking what they wanted from a war that had consumed their lives.

“They don’t want war. Definitely, they want peace. All of them want that. But at the same time they will not accept being under the leadership of the RSF. For them, there’s no way. And this is something I have heard from all of the people I have spoken to. I did not hear otherwise.”

From outside Sudan, the conflict is often reduced to brief news alerts. Alekhtiar says those accounts fall far short. When asked whether the coverage reflects reality on the ground, she replied without hesitation: “No, not at all, not at all.”

Nearly everyone she met had lost everything — homes destroyed, savings wiped out when banks were looted and burned. According to UNHCR, nearly 13 million people have been forced from their homes, including 8.6 million internally displaced.

Alekhtiar does not believe placing further sanctions on Sudan is necessarily the solution. (Supplied)

On the road from Port Sudan to Khartoum, the scale of death was impossible to ignore. Alekhtiar recalls seeing clouds of flies everywhere, drawn by bodies buried hastily or not at all along the route.

During her six days in the country, her team stopped in Al-Dabbah, where UNHCR tents shelter displaced civilians. What she saw there still stays with her. “I want to emphasize one thing and it is very alarming,” she said.

“What I was witnessing in the camps was only women and children; there were no men. The only men I saw were very old in age. It’s a genocide. They are killing all men. They cannot go out.

“What we saw in the videos, it was real,” she said, referring to the graphic footage of atrocities circulating on social media. “It’s not true that it was one video and the reality is different than that. No, it was real.

“It’s a gender-ethnic issue. It is really a genocide. I’m not just using the word genocide for the sake of using the word. This is actually a genocide.”

Life in the camps was defined by scarcity. There were no spare clothes, almost no supplies, and most people slept directly on the ground. The UN was scrambling to respond, Alekhtiar said, but had never anticipated displacement on this scale.

She watched buses arrive packed with women, screaming babies in their arms. When she asked why the infants were crying, the answer was devastatingly simple.

“Because they are hungry … they are breastfeeding and we cannot feed them because we have not eaten,” they told her. The women’s bodies, starved and exhausted, could no longer produce milk.

UN staff told Alekhtiar they lacked resources as funding was insufficient. RSF fighters were also blocking the main roads, preventing aid from reaching those who needed it most.

Alekhtiar wished she had more time in the camps because this — bearing witness and amplifying suffering — is the core purpose of journalism, she said.

What the women told her there continues to haunt her. Rape survivors said they were treated as slaves, stripped of humanity by their attackers. “They need help, on a psychological level, human level, all levels,” Alekhtiar said.

“These women, I don’t know how they will live later. Some of them cannot talk. They are sitting and looking at me; they cannot talk. Some of them keep crying all day long. Some of them don’t go out of the tent.

“Some of them have kids with them. They don’t know who these kids are, because they found them on their way, and they took them, because they were children alone.

“One woman told me she took a child from his mother’s arms who was murdered, and the child doesn’t speak, even at his age of 3 years, he stopped being able to speak. So many stories, so many stories.

“The problem is the war is still ongoing, and they will come from other cities in their millions. We are not talking about tens or hundreds of thousands. We are talking about millions.”

Alekhtiar does not believe placing further sanctions on Sudan is necessarily the solution.

Alekhtiar does not believe placing further sanctions on Sudan is necessarily the solution. (Supplied)

“The international community, countries, right now are announcing sanctions on Sudan, but that’s not enough,” she said.

“What people need there is support, humanitarian support, and they need real support from the whole world to stop this war because it’s not a normal war.

“A whole race is being killed. Being killed because they want to change the identity of one region. It’s a genocide.”

International sanctions have targeted individuals accused of mass killings and systematic sexual violence. The UK has sanctioned senior RSF commanders over abuses in El-Fasher.

The US, meanwhile, has sanctioned the Sudanese Armed Forces over the use of chlorine gas, a chemical weapon that can cause fatal respiratory damage.

Asked about her own experience in the field, Alekhtiar said the availability of clean water was among the biggest challenges she faced.

“Showering was not an option,” she said, as most water came out black, contaminated, its contents unknown.

She barely ate, overwhelmed by what she was witnessing.

“I was crying all the time there, to be honest. I was sick for two days when I arrived back,” she said.

“After you leave, you become grateful for what you have when you see the suffering of others. They changed my whole perspective on life. It changed me a lot.”