Cambodia pardons jailed surrogate Philippine mothers

Couples – mostly from China – are willing to pay between $40,000 to $100,000 to surrogacy agents to find a Cambodian woman who can carry their child. (AFP file photo)
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Updated 29 December 2024
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Cambodia pardons jailed surrogate Philippine mothers

  • In 2016, Cambodia issued a snap ban on commercial surrogacy after neighboring Thailand pulled the plug on the trade
  • But demand for commercial surrogacy remains high after China eased its one-child policy

MANILA : Cambodia has pardoned and sent home 13 Philippine women who were jailed over a scheme to become surrogate mothers, an outlawed practice, the Philippine government said on Sunday.
They were among 24 foreign women detained by Cambodian police in September and convicted and sentenced to four years in prison on December 2 for attempted cross-border human trafficking.
The women “and three of their babies” were sent home to Manila early Sunday and taken to a government shelter for trafficking victims, the Social Welfare Department said in a statement.
Ten of the repatriated women are still pregnant, Irene Dumlao, the Social Welfare Department’s Assistant Secretary said.
“All 13 (women) departed Phnom Penh and arrived safely in Manila following the grant of royal pardon by His Majesty Preah Bat Samdech Preah Boromneath Norodom Sihamoni,” the Philippine foreign ministry said in a separate statement.
The Cambodian court ruling had said it had strong evidence showing that the 13 had “the intention... to have babies to sell to a third person in exchange for money, which is an act of human trafficking.”
The court did not give details on what would happen to the babies.
The Philippine foreign department statement warned “surrogacy is banned in Cambodia and any violation thereof is punishable under Cambodian laws.”
The social welfare ministry statement said “there is no law prohibiting or allowing surrogacy in the Philippines, providing a legal grey area prone to abuse.”
In 2016, Cambodia issued a snap ban on commercial surrogacy after neighboring Thailand pulled the plug on the trade the previous year — putting an abrupt end to a thriving industry for hopeful parents, many from Australia and the United States.
But demand for commercial surrogacy remains high after China eased its one-child policy and agencies in Cambodia continue to offer the service.
Sources in the kingdom have previously said that couples — mostly from China — are willing to pay between $40,000 to $100,000 to surrogacy agents to find a Cambodian woman who can carry their child.


Only 4% women on ballot as Bangladesh prepares for post-Hasina vote

Updated 26 January 2026
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Only 4% women on ballot as Bangladesh prepares for post-Hasina vote

  • Women PMs have ruled Bangladesh for over half of its independent history
  • For 2026 vote, only 20 out of 51 political parties nominated female candidates

DHAKA: As Bangladesh prepares for the first election since the ouster of its long-serving ex-prime minister Sheikh Hasina, only 4 percent of the registered candidates are women, as more than half of the political parties did not field female candidates.

The vote on Feb. 12 will bring in new leadership after an 18-month rule of the caretaker administration that took control following the student-led uprising that ended 15 years in power of Hasina’s Awami League party.

Nearly 128 million Bangladeshis will head to the polls, but while more than 62 million of them are women, the percentage of female candidates in the race is incomparably lower, despite last year’s consensus reached by political parties to have at least 5 percent women on their lists.

According to the Election Commission, among 1,981 candidates only 81 are women, in a country that in its 54 years of independence had for 32 years been led by women prime ministers — Hasina and her late rival Khaleda Zia.

According to Dr. Rasheda Rawnak Khan from the Department of Anthropology at Dhaka University, women’s political participation was neither reflected by the rule of Hasina nor Zia.

“Bangladesh has had women rulers, not women’s rule,” Khan told Arab News. “The structure of party politics in Bangladesh is deeply patriarchal.”

Only 20 out of 51 political parties nominated female candidates for the 2026 vote. Percentage-wise, the Bangladesh Socialist Party was leading with nine women, or 34 percent of its candidates.

The election’s main contender, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, whose former leader Zia in 1991 became the second woman prime minister of a predominantly Muslim nation — after Pakistan’s Benazir Bhutto — was the party that last year put forward the 5 percent quota for women.

For the upcoming vote, however, it ended up nominating only 10 women, or 3.5 percent of its 288 candidates.

The second-largest party, Jamaat-e-Islami, has not nominated a single woman.

The 4 percent participation is lower than in the previous election in 2024, when it was slightly above 5 percent, but there was no decreasing trend. In 2019, the rate was 5.9 percent, and 4 percent in 2014.

“We have not seen any independent women’s political movement or institutional activities earlier, from where women could now participate in the election independently,” Khan said.

“Real political participation is different and difficult as well in this patriarchal society, where we need to establish internal party democracy, protection from political violence, ensure direct election, and cultural shifts around female leadership.”

While the 2024 student-led uprising featured a prominent presence of women activists, Election Commission data shows that this has not translated into their political participation, with very few women contesting the upcoming polls.

“In the student movement, women were recruited because they were useful, presentable for rallies and protests both on campus and in the field of political legitimacy. Women were kept at the forefront for exhibiting some sort of ‘inclusive’ images to the media and the people,” Khan said.

“To become a candidate in the general election, one needs to have a powerful mentor, money, muscle power, control over party people, activists, and locals. Within the male-dominated networks, it’s very difficult for women to get all these things.”