‘Black and proud’: Kamala Harris has never shied away from racial identity

Vice President Kamala Harris, left, is greeted by Harris County Commissioner Rodney Ellis, right, during her arrival at George Bush Intercontinental Airport in Houston, onJuly 31, 2024. (AP)
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Updated 04 August 2024
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‘Black and proud’: Kamala Harris has never shied away from racial identity

  • Kamala's mother, who emigrated from India to pursue a doctorate in nutrition and endocrinology, raised her with emphasis on both her India and Black heritage
  • As a child, she was bused to a newly desegregated elementary school in a wealthier white neighborhood and attended a Black church on Sundays

WASHINGTON: Former president Donald Trump, who has a long history of making incendiary comments about race, has stepped up his attacks on his 2024 White House rival Kamala Harris by claiming she “happened to turn Black” for political advantage.
But the reality is that the vice president, the product of a mixed race marriage between Jamaican and Indian immigrants, embraced her Blackness long before embarking on a career in public service.

Harris was born in Oakland, California, in 1964, to Afro-Jamaican Donald Harris, who came to the United States to study economics, and Shyamala Gopalan, who emigrated from India at 19 to pursue her doctorate in nutrition and endocrinology.
They met at the University of California, Berkeley, a hub of student activism, while participating in the civil rights movement — and sometimes even taking a toddler Kamala along to marches.
Donald Harris remains a professor emeritus at Stanford University, while Gopalan, who helped advance breast cancer research, passed away in 2009.
After the couple divorced, Gopalan raised Kamala and her younger sister Maya, instilling pride in their South Asian roots. She took them on trips to India and often expressed affection or frustration in Tamil, Kamala wrote in her 2019 book, “The Truths We Hold.”
But Gopalan also understood she was raising two Black daughters.
“She knew that her adopted homeland would see Maya and me as Black girls, and she was determined to ensure we grew into confident, proud Black women,” Harris wrote.
As a child, Harris was bused to a newly desegregated elementary school in a wealthier white neighborhood and attended a Black church on Sundays.
“I’m Black, and I’m proud of being Black, and I was born Black, I will die Black,” Harris told The Breakfast Club radio show in 2019.
But she’s continued to lean into her Indian heritage too, appearing in a 2019 video where she and actress Mindy Kaling, also of Indian descent, bonded over making dosas.
“She’s embraced her Blackness and her Indian heritage as well,” said Kerry Haynie, chair of political science at Duke University, adding that Trump’s “race-baiting” attacks were aimed at galvanizing his own base.

When it came time for college, Harris chose Howard University, a historically Black institution in the US capital, following in the footsteps of her hero Thurgood Marshall, the first Black justice on the US Supreme Court.
She attended protests against apartheid in South Africa and joined the storied Alpha Kappa Alpha sorority, founded to support Black women. Today, its 360,000 members include leading figures in politics, the arts, science and more.
“It’s a powerful signal of alignment with Black Americans,” said Christopher Clark, a professor of political science at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
After Howard, Harris enrolled at UC Hastings College of the Law, where she was elected president of the Black Law Students Association.
As she progressed through her career — elected San Francisco district attorney in 2003 and California’s attorney general in 2010 — she was consistently identified as Black or African American in media reports.
Some went so far as to dub her the “female Obama” after Barack Obama, who was elected the nation’s first Black president in 2008.
Their biographies have parallels: both are biracial, with Obama’s father a Kenyan economist and his mother a white American.
Critics questioned the authenticity of his African American experience, and Trump may be using a similar tactic to try to discredit Harris, suggested Clark.
However, being Black in America has always been a “very broad umbrella” due to the legacy of slavery, wrote Teresa Wiltz in a Politico op-ed, encompassing “myriad iterations of skin color and hair texture and life experiences.”
The most important Black political figures in US history have often been of mixed race, from abolitionist Frederick Douglass to activist-philosopher Angela Davis, Wiltz noted.
If Harris identifies as Black, “we can — and should — take her word for it,” she said.


Myanmar will hold its first general election in 5 years as criticism of the military rule mounts

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Myanmar will hold its first general election in 5 years as criticism of the military rule mounts

BANGKOK: Myanmar will hold the first phase of a general election on Sunday, its first vote in five years and an exercise that critics say will neither restore the country’s fragile democracy undone by a 2021 army takeover, nor end a devastating civil war triggered by the nation’s harsh military rule.
The military has framed the polls as a return to multi-party democracy, likely seeking to add a facade of legitimacy to its rule, which began after the army four years ago ousted the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi.
The takeover triggered widespread popular opposition that has grown into a civil war. The fighting has complicated holding the polls in many contested areas.
Voting will be held in different parts of the country in three phases, with the second on Jan. 11 and the third on Jan. 25.
Human rights and opposition groups say the vote will be neither free nor fair and that power is likely to remain in the hands of military leader Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing.
Critics doubt a real transition to civilian rule
Richard Horsey, a Myanmar analyst for the International Crisis Group, noted that the vote is being run by the same military that was behind the 2021 coup.
“These elections are not credible at all,” he told The Associated Press. ”They do not include any of the political parties that did well in the last election or the election before.”
Horsey says the military’s strategy is for its favored Union Solidarity and Development Party to win in a landslide, shifting Myanmar from direct military rule to a government with a “civilian veneer” that perpetuates army control.
That would allow the military to claim that holding the election showed progress toward inclusiveness in the spirit of a peace proposal by the 11-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations, that calls for “constructive dialogue among all parties concerned” so they can “seek a peaceful solution in the interests of the people.”
It would also provide an excuse for neighbors like China, India and Thailand to continue their support, which they contend promotes stability in Myanmar.
Western nations have maintained sanctions against Myanmar’s ruling generals because of their anti-democratic actions and brutal war on their opponents.
The army seized power on Feb. 1, 2021, claiming the 2020 election — won in a landslide by Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy — was illegitimate because of alleged large-scale voter registration irregularities. Independent observers, however, found no major problems.
On Sunday, ballots will be cast in 102 of the country’s 330 townships. Further rounds will follow on Jan. 11 and Jan. 25, leaving 65 townships where there would be no voting because of the ongoing conflict with ethnic guerrilla groups and resistance forces.
Though 57 parties have fielded candidates, most are posting candidates only in their own home states or regions. Six parties are competing nationwide and have a chance of winning enough seats to wield political power, but the rules make it likely the pro-military USDP will emerge in position to lead a new government.
In total, nearly 5,000 candidates are competing for more than 1,100 seats in the two chambers of the national legislature and in state and regional legislatures, though the actual number of seats that will be filled will be less where constituencies are not voting.
The Union Election Commission has yet to release the total number of eligible voters, but in 2020, there were more than 37 million.
Aung San Suu Kyi and her party are not participating
Myanmar’s 80-year-old former leader and her party are not taking part in the election. Suu Kyi is currently serving a 27-year prison term on charges widely seen as bogus and politically motivated. Her National League party was dissolved after refusing to officially register under the new military rules.
Other parties are also boycotting the vote or have declined to run under conditions they say are unfair. Opposition groups have also called for a boycott by voters.
Amael Vier, an analyst for the Asian Network for Free Elections, noted recently that Myanmar’s political parties that won 90 percent of the seats in 2020 no longer exist today.
An Election Protection Law with harsh penalties enacted this year put even more restrictions on political activity, effectively barring all public criticism of the polls. More than 200 people have been charged for leafleting or online activity over the past few months.
All this likely sets the stage for the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party to dominate the polls — and for 69-year-old Min Aung Hlaing to take over as president.
Repression and violence continue
The human cost of Myanmar’s conflict has been high. According to the independent Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, more than 22,000 people are currently detained for political offenses and over 7,600 civilians have been killed by security forces since the army seized power.
There are more than 3.6 million internally displaced people, most driven from their homes by warfare, marking a major humanitarian crisis.
“Myanmar is witnessing intensified violence, repression, and intimidation ahead of military-controlled elections,” the UN Human Rights Office said. It added that civilians are being threatened by both military authorities and armed opposition groups regarding participation.
Amnesty International researcher Joe Freeman said that many fear the election will only entrench the power of those responsible for years of unlawful killings.
Horsey, of the International Crisis Group, believes that after the polls, Myanmar is likely to see increased conflict as opponents attempt to prove the military still lacks popular legitimacy.