Amid security woes, Pakistan’s key religious party navigates pre-election uncertainty

Maulana Fazlur Rehman, Chief of Jamiat Ulama-e-Islam (JUI-F), addresses an election rally in Lahore, Pakistan, on April 14, 2013. (AFP/File)
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Updated 08 January 2024
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Amid security woes, Pakistan’s key religious party navigates pre-election uncertainty

  • Maulana Fazlur Rehman’s party hoped to benefit from political vacuum created by PTI before facing militant attacks
  • JUI-F says it understands people’s problems better than other parties, though analysts say it offers no real solutions

PESHAWAR: A prominent religious party in Pakistan’s northwestern Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) province anticipated to exceed its previous electoral performances on Feb. 8, analysts observed over the weekend, before its leaders began proposing an election delay amid growing security threats that undermined their campaign.

Maulana Fazlur Rehman’s Jamiat Ulama-e-Islam (JUI-F) party has a history intertwined with the broader narrative of religious and political dynamics in Pakistan. The party’s roots can be traced back to the Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind, an influential group of Islamic scholars in British India that became actively involved in the struggle against British colonial rule.

The JUI-F is known for its staunch advocacy of Islamic laws and values, aiming to influence Pakistan’s governance with a religiously guided framework. While not known for securing significant numbers of national and provincial seats in elections, it has wielded considerable influence in KP and Balochistan provinces while remaining part of several coalition governments in the country.

Speaking to Arab News, analysts noted the party hoped to fill the political void left by former prime minister Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) party, which had governed KP for two consecutive terms starting in 2013, but is now facing challenges with much of its top leadership imprisoned on various charges. However, it became increasingly difficult for the JUI-F to hold public rallies and workers’ conventions in recent months after enduring a string of militant attacks against its leaders and supporters.

“The JUI-F welcomed PTI’s exclusion [from politics],” Aamer Raza, who teaches at Peshawar University, said while speaking to Arab News. “It had no qualms while trying to secure more seats in the [national and provincial] assemblies at PTI’s cost.”

“Daesh started targeting it in the past couple of months, though, making it tough for the party to freely campaign,” he continued. “Since PTI is already hamstrung by the political situation and [Pashtun] nationalist parties have lost their appeal, we may witness a low voting turnout [in the next elections] and more local independent candidates taking advantage of the situation.”




Activists and supporters of Islamic political party Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI-F) wave flags during anti-government "Azadi (Freedom) March" in Islamabad on November 1, 2019. (AFP/File)

Raza said the JUI-F’s stronghold had mostly been in KP’s southern districts, with pockets of support in central districts such as Peshawar, Mardan and Charsadda.

“With the rising PTI popularity, however, the JUI-F support has eroded over time,” he added. “Also, the JUI-F has failed to appeal to the young population and women voters.”

The security issue has started posing an even more daunting challenge to the party in recent months.

Rehman, the JUI-F chief, survived a shooting incident targeting his convoy on the Islamabad-Dera Ismail Khan motorway earlier this month. His son, Maulana Asad Mahmood, was warned of militant threats by police authorities in KP who asked him to keep his movements confidential and avoid unnecessary public gatherings weeks before the elections.

Last year in July, nearly 50 JUI-F workers were killed in a suicide blast targeting a workers’ convention in Bajaur district, and in a separate incident, one of the party’s top leaders, Hafiz Hamdullah, was injured in a blast in Balochistan’s Mastung region, which also wounded 10 others.

Asked about the situation, JUI-F spokesman Aslam Ghauri said: “Given the current law and order and [extremely cold] weather conditions, the [conducive] election environment which is the constitutional and fundamental right of every party is not available to us.”

Despite participating in all past general elections, the JUI-F only had a notable showing in 2002 when it was part of a six-party religious alliance called the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA).

“During our five-year rule, the JUI-F enrolled 0.5 million children in schools, recruited 40,000 teachers, increased the health budget from Rs2.5 billion to Rs3.5 billion,” Ghauri said. “We also launched kidney, burn and cardiovascular centers, upgraded hospitals in 22 districts of the province, established four medical colleges, one medical university and three teaching hospitals with free medicines for patients.”

He maintained his party knew of people’s problems better than other political factions, saying it could also play a pivotal role in addressing religious militancy in the country.

“JUI-F has always opposed extremism,” he said. “With the help of public support, it can tackle and control this problem through fair utilization of resources for public welfare.”




Activists of Jamiat Ulema-e Islam Fazal (JUI-F) party hold the Pakistani flag and their party flag as they prepare an 'Azadi' (freedom) march in Peshawar on October 13, 2019. (AFP/File)

However, Shamim Shahid, a Peshawar-based analyst, expressed skepticism about the party’s popularity and its solutions to people’s problems.

“It attracts voters through oft-repeated religious slogans,” he maintained. “Otherwise, it has no democratic motto, no specific plans to rid the country and nation of inflation, extremism or resolve other pressing issues such as poverty.”

Meanwhile, Jalil Jan, a party spokesperson in KP, said the state should ensure peace and prevent attacks on the JUI-F and its leadership ahead of the elections.

“Attack or firing on a national leader of Maulana Fazlur Rehman’s caliber raises a serious question mark over the state’s writ,” he said.


‘Look ahead or look up?’: Pakistan’s police face new challenge as militants take to drone warfare

Updated 09 January 2026
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‘Look ahead or look up?’: Pakistan’s police face new challenge as militants take to drone warfare

  • Officials say militants are using weapons and equipment left behind after allied forces withdrew from Afghanistan
  • Police in northwest Pakistan say electronic jammers have helped repel more than 300 drone attacks since mid-2025

BANNU, Pakistan: On a quiet morning last July, Constable Hazrat Ali had just finished his prayers at the Miryan police station in Pakistan’s volatile northwest when the shouting began.

His colleagues in Bannu district spotted a small speck in the sky. Before Ali could take cover, an explosion tore through the compound behind him. It was not a mortar or a suicide vest, but an improvised explosive dropped from a drone.

“Now should we look ahead or look up [to sky]?” said Ali, who was wounded again in a second drone strike during an operation against militants last month. He still carries shrapnel scars on his back, hand and foot, physical reminders of how the battlefield has shifted upward.

For police in the northwestern Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) province, the fight against militancy has become a three-dimensional conflict. Pakistani officials say armed groups, including the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), are increasingly deploying commercial drones modified to drop explosives, alongside other weapons they say were acquired after the US military withdrawal from neighboring Afghanistan.

Security analysts say the trend mirrors a wider global pattern, where low-cost, commercially available drones are being repurposed by non-state actors from the Middle East to Eastern Europe, challenging traditional policing and counterinsurgency tactics.

The escalation comes as militant violence has surged across Pakistan. Islamabad-based Pakistan Institute for Conflict and Security Studies (PICSS) reported a 73 percent rise in combat-related deaths in 2025, with fatalities climbing to 3,387 from 1,950 a year earlier. Militants have increasingly shifted operations from northern tribal belts to southern KP districts such as Bannu, Lakki Marwat and Dera Ismail Khan.

“Bannu is an important town of southern KP, and we are feeling the heat,” said Sajjad Khan, the region’s police chief. “There has been an enormous increase in the number of incidents of terrorism… It is a mix of local militants and Afghan militants.”

In 2025 alone, Bannu police recorded 134 attacks on stations, checkpoints and personnel. At least 27 police officers were killed, while authorities say 53 militants died in the clashes. Many assaults involved coordinated, multi-pronged attacks using heavy weapons.

Drones have also added a new layer of danger. What began as reconnaissance tools have been weaponized with improvised devices that rely on gravity rather than guidance systems.

“Earlier, they used to drop [explosives] in bottles. After that, they started cutting pipes for this purpose,” said Jamshed Khan, head of the regional bomb disposal unit. “Now we have encountered a new type: a pistol hand grenade.”

When dropped from above, he explained, a metal pin ignites the charge on impact.

Deputy Superintendent of Police Raza Khan, who narrowly survived a drone strike during construction at a checkpoint, described devices packed with nails, bullets and metal fragments.

“They attach a shuttlecock-like piece on top. When they drop it from a height, its direction remains straight toward the ground,” he said.

TARGETING CIVILIANS

Officials say militants’ rapid adoption of drone technology has been fueled by access to equipment on informal markets, while police procurement remains slower.

“It is easy for militants to get such things,” Sajjad Khan said. “And for us, I mean, we have to go through certain process and procedures as per rules.”

That imbalance began to shift in mid-2025, when authorities deployed electronic anti-drone systems in the region. Before that, officers relied on snipers or improvised nets strung over police compounds.

“Initially, when we did not have that anti-drone system, their strikes were effective,” the police chief said, adding that more than 300 attempted drone attacks have since been repelled or electronically disrupted. “That was a decisive moment.”

Police say militants have also targeted civilians, killing nine people in drone attacks this year, often in communities accused of cooperating with authorities. Several police stations suffered structural damage.

Bannu’s location as a gateway between Pakistan and Afghanistan has made it a security flashpoint since colonial times. But officials say the aerial dimension of the conflict has placed unprecedented strain on local forces.

For constables like Hazrat Ali, new technology offers some protection, but resolve remains central.

“Nowadays, they have ammunition and all kinds of the most modern weapons. They also have large drones,” he said. “When we fight them, we fight with our courage and determination.”