A Palestinian wedding in Israel stirs memories of the 1948 expulsion of Arab inhabitants of Biram and Iqrit

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The couple perform a traditional ritual in the ruins of the home of the groom’s grandparents in Biram. (Supplied)
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The abandoned Maronite church in Biram, George Ghantous’s ancestral home. (Supplied)
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Updated 25 September 2021
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A Palestinian wedding in Israel stirs memories of the 1948 expulsion of Arab inhabitants of Biram and Iqrit

  • Descendants of residents of the two villages view ceremonies in local churches as acts of remembrance
  • George Ghantous and Lauren Donahue recently tied the knot in an abandoned Maronite church in Biram

AMMAN/NAZARETH: When George Ghantous, a Palestinian citizen of Israel, and Lauren Donahue, his American fiancee, were planning their wedding, there were lots of details that needed to be agreed upon. But the couple settled on one important decision from the outset: The wedding would take place in an abandoned church in the village of Biram, George’s ancestral home.

In 1948, during the war that resulted in the creation of the state of Israel, the people of Biram — a mainly Christian village high in the mountains of Galilee above Safed, not far from the Lebanese border — found themselves caught up in the fighting.

It was occupied by Israeli forces who, seven months later in a well-documented incident, expelled the residents of Biram as well as Iqrit, a village about 21 kilometers away.

Caught in the crossfire of a conflict between the Israeli army and Arab guerrillas operating from bases in Lebanon, the inhabitants of the two villages, who mostly made a living from cultivating fruit trees, were ordered to leave their homes for two weeks until the situation stabilized.

Seventy-three years later, the villagers and their descendants — now citizens of Israel, whose properties are supposed to be protected by Israeli law — still have not been allowed to return.




The couple seal their marriage vows with a kiss. (Supplied)

Worse still, despite an Israeli High Court decision in the 1950s upholding the villagers’ property rights, the Israeli army demolished, presumably as a deterrent to any future return, all the buildings in both villages except for a Melkite church in Iqrit and a Maronite church in Biram.

Maronites, who now live mostly in Lebanon, are a branch of the Syriac Church, which split from the Greek Orthodox faith in the seventh century. Melkites are another Syriac branch who adhere to old Byzantine rites.

In addition to having their wedding service at the church in Biram, Ghantous and Donahue visited the ruins of the house in the village where the groom’s grandparents once lived. There, they performed a traditional ritual that normally takes place at the home of the newlyweds.

The bride, dressed in white, and the groom, in black, stuck unbaked bread dough, decorated with flowers and coins as symbols of prosperity and happiness, to a lintel above the main entrance to what remains of the building.

“If, God forbid, the dough does not stick, then a shout of dismay is heard by the guests as this is bad luck and the marriage may be doomed,” Michael Oun, an authority on Middle East history and a relative of the groom, told Arab News. “When they make the dough, the groom’s family takes good care to make sure that it really sticks.”

Fortunately for the happy couple, the dough did stick. But in addition to marking the start of their married life together, the ritual also served as a political statement making it clear that even members of this third generation of Palestinian Christians have not forgotten the villages their families were forced to leave, and to which they one day hope to return.




The abandoned Maronite church in Biram, George Ghantous’s ancestral home. (Supplied)

Ghantous said that he was made aware of his grandparents’ original home from an early age and has visited it on many occasions, at Christmas and Easter and to attend baptisms and weddings.

“We were raised in this beautiful place, under its sky and among the trees and the refreshing breeze,” he told Arab News. “Our spirit and our parents’ and grandparents’ spirits are here among the houses and among ourselves. It is natural that this would be the place where our joy is realized.”

Over the years, Israeli leaders of all parties have promised to help the villagers of Biram and Iqrit to return to their homes, only for the promises to be broken amid fears that it might encourage other Palestinians to demand the return of their ancestral lands and homes.

Rejecting the demand, Lior Haiat, spokesperson of the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs, told Arab News that the official position on the issue remains unchanged.

Ayman Odeh, a member of Knesset and head of the Joint List, the main Arab bloc in the parliament, accuses Israeli authorities of paying lip service to the demands of the people from the villages, instead of taking corrective steps.

“Not only do they not have the will but they are unable to go beyond the security blockade,” he told Arab News.

Odeh claimed Reuven Rivlin, who served seven years in the mainly ceremonial role of president of Israel, once made a promise that he would not allow his term in office to end without the people of Biram and Iqrit being allowed to return.

“Rivlin’s term ended (in July this year) and his promise has not materialized, even though he was the highest authority in Israel, albeit a symbolic one,” Odeh said. “He clearly couldn’t bypass the instructions of the security agencies that form the deep state.”

Odeh said he also received assurances from Yitzhak Herzog, Rivlin’s successor as president, but these have yet to translate into action.

“I asked him to send a letter of support to the people of these two villages and he did,” Odeh said. “Now he is president and his first visit was to a Jewish settlement in the occupied territories.”

Ibrahim Issa was 14 years old when Biram was occupied and destroyed. He is now 87. When Arab News spoke to him on Sept. 10, he had just left church after the regular morning mass for older former residents of the village. He said he visits the village with his wife at least twice a week.

“I was raised in Biram and have eaten its figs and grapes, and played in its roads,” he said. “That is why I love it and cling to the hope of returning some time. I have been coming to Biram and stayed in the area after its demolition, even during military rule. I have followed the whole struggle for 73 years.”




Bishop Elias Chacour of the Melkite Greek Catholic Church. (Supplied)

Bishop Elias Chacour of the Melkite Greek Catholic Church, perhaps the most famous former resident of Biram, is the author of “Blood Brothers,” a best-selling memoir of life as an Arab citizen of Israel.

Now retired, he was eight when the village was taken over by the military. He lobbied Shimon Peres, the Israeli former president and prime minister, to allow the residents to return.

“I told him: ‘I come to you as a son of Biram. Biramites are still alive,’” Chacour told Arab News. “Peres replied: ‘That was a long time ago.’ I told him: ‘You kept remembering Palestine for 2,000 years and then you traveled to Palestine and caused us damage and you want us Biram people to forget?’”

Chacour sees little hope of progress under the new Israeli government, but considers Mansour Abbas, an Arab citizen of Israel who leads the United Arab List in the Knesset, as the only politician capable of moving things forward. Still, he thinks Biram will endure.

“As long as the people of Biram and their descendants live and remember the village,” Chacour told Arab News, “Biram will not die.”


Iqrit and Biram: A brief history of expulsions

 

As fighting raged between Arabs and Jews in 1948, Israeli troops occupied Iqrit, a village of 616 residents. The leaders of the village signed a surrender document. The local priest reportedly even greeted the troops with a Bible in his hand while chanting in Hebrew, “Welcome, Oh children of Israel.”

A week later, the commander of the Israeli troops ordered the inhabitants of Iqrit to leave and travel southeast to the Arab village of Rameh “for two weeks until the security situation will allow them to return,” according to historical records. The villagers did as they were told, leaving most of their belongings behind.

The same fate befell Biram, a village with a population of 1,050. Its people also were ordered to leave for two weeks and given a promise that they would be allowed to return soon. They went to the nearby village of Jish, about 5 kilometers to the east, and moved into the homes of Muslims who had fled the fighting during the war.




An old picture of the village of Biram before it was destroyed by Israeli forces. (Supplied)

The ruins of both villages are located a few miles from the border with Lebanon. Iqrit is about 21 kilometers to the west of Biram. The residents of the former were Melkite Greek Catholics and the latter were mostly members of the Maronite church. Both are eastern sects of the Catholic church.

When the residents of Iqrit failed in their efforts to ensure the authorities would keep their promise and allow them to return to their homes, they appealed to the Supreme Court of Israel. In July 1951, the court ruled that they should be allowed to return. The Israeli army ignored the decision and demolished the village on Christmas Eve, 1951, leaving only the church standing.

Biram fared no better. Its appeal to the High Court failed on a technicality and Israeli fighter jets demolished the village in July 1953. Former residents watched its destruction from a place that later became known as “Wailing Hill.” Again, only its church was spared.

Soon after, large sections of land near Biram were designated public parks. Other areas were incorporated into new Jewish settlements. In 1968, with the end of military rule in Israel, former residents and their families were granted the right to be buried or get married in Biram.

_________________

Daoud Kuttab in Amman and Botrus Mansour in Nazareth


How Israel leverages planning laws to entrench control over East Jerusalem

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How Israel leverages planning laws to entrench control over East Jerusalem

  • Record home demolitions reveal how zoning, permits and land registration are used to systematically displace Palestinians
  • Israeli human rights groups warn planning laws have become central tools for reshaping Jerusalem’s demography

LONDON: Last month, Jews in Israel and around the world celebrated the holiday of Hannukah, which commemorates the victory of Jewish rebels who rose up against the Greek occupiers of Jerusalem in the second century B.C.E.

Each year the week-long holiday, its timing determined by the Hebrew calendar, falls on different dates. This December it began on Dec. 14 and ended at nightfall on Dec. 22 — the same day Israeli forces bulldozed an apartment building in East Jerusalem.

This act of mass eviction left about 90 Palestinians homeless and drove home the reality that it is now the Jewish state that is the occupier in Jerusalem.

The 12-hour operation, supported by soldiers and a mob of stone-throwing Jewish youths, came without warning, despite the fact that the residents’ lawyer had a meeting scheduled with Jerusalem Municipality’s legal department that very day. 

Israeli forces gather as an excavator demolishes a building built without a permit in the east Jerusalem neighbourhood of Wadi Qaddum on December 22, 2025. (AFP)

The demolition of the building, which stood on private Palestinian land, was the largest such destruction of property in 2025, but was far from an isolated case. Since the start of the year, 143 Palestinian homes had already been demolished across East Jerusalem.

But, say human rights groups in Israel, this latest demolition shows Israel is stepping up its campaign of displacement in East Jerusalem under cover of international focus on Gaza, while at the same time ramping up the development of new illegal settlements.

The day before the demolition, Israel approved the establishment of 19 new settlements in the occupied West Bank.

“The heart of the issue is the outright discrimination in urban planning policies, which has led to years of systematic and deliberate neglect of urban development for Palestinians in East Jerusalem,” said architect Sari Kronish of the Israeli nongovernmental organization Bimkom — Planners for Planning Rights.

“In practice, inadequate and restrictive zoning plans were approved until they too were halted. The Palestinian population is therefore at an extreme disadvantage; there is only a nominal amount of land designated for Palestinian residential development — roughly 15 percent of East Jerusalem. 

Palestinian protesters march in a symbolic funerary parade in the Israeli-annexed east Jerusalem's predominantly Arab neighbourhood of Silwan on June 29, 2021, during a protest over Israel's planned evictions of Palestinian families from homes in the eastern sector. (AFP)

“Without residential land designation in an approved zoning plan, it is not possible to request a building permit.”

In addition, said Kronish, “the possibility of proving land ownership is also a major obstacle along the road to a building permit and depends on the regulations in place.

“Recently, these regulations have become more strict and are basically in line with the renewed process of land registration. Most of the land in East Jerusalem is not officially registered in the land registry; until 2018 the State of Israel adopted relatively lenient protocols to allow minimal planning and building despite this reality.

“But in recent years, new land registration processes have begun, replacing expropriation as the main form of land confiscation. All planning and building processes — zoning and permits — are currently subjugated to this process, and in effect halted.”

Constructed in 2014, the apartment building in Wadi Qaddum was demolished on the pretext that it lacked a building permit. 

Israeli security forces disperse Palestinians demonstrating following the Friday prayer in the Arab neighbourhood of Silwan in Israeli-annexed east Jerusalem on February 10, 2023, to protest the Israeli authorities' plan to demolish a building housing 13 Palestinian families. (AFP)

But, as Israeli human rights groups have pointed out repeatedly, building permits are impossible for Palestinians to procure without the existence of zoning plans approved by the Jerusalem municipality — plans which the Israeli authorities systematically neglect to advance or approve for Palestinian areas.

The building was constructed on a plot of land that was subsequently designated as green space, retroactively rendering it illegal.

The first attempt to knock it down, initiated by the far-right national security minister and settler leader Itamar Ben-Gvir, came in 2022. Following legal representation and the intervention of Israeli rights groups, the government granted two stays of execution, the first of 90 days and the second of 30.

These expired in February 2023, but the office of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu stepped in at the last minute and delayed the operation.

At the time, The Times of Israel, citing a Western diplomat, reported that “several Western embassies, including the American and British missions in Israel, (had) reached out to Netanyahu’s office, expressing their opposition to the demolition.” 

Israeli, Palestinian and foreign activists hold placards against Israeli occupation and house demolitions in east Jerusalem predominantly Arab neighbourhood of Silwan, on November 8, 2025 during a protest over Israel's planned evictions of Palestinian families from homes in the eastern sector's Silwan district. (AFP)

Now, say human rights groups, the world’s focus has moved away from events in the Occupied Territories, and the Israeli government is acting with increasing impunity.

Amy Cohen, director of international relations at the Israel NGO Ir Amim, or City of Nations, said that 2025 “saw the highest total number of demolitions in East Jerusalem on record, according to the available data.

“A total of 263 structures were demolished due to lacking building permits, including 148 residential units and 115 non-residential structures, placing 2025 at the top of the list in terms of total demolished structures.

“When comparing the number of residential units demolished, 2025 ranks second, after 2024, which recorded 181 demolished residential units, constituting the highest number of home demolitions on record.”

Israel’s motives, say human rights groups, are all too clear. 

Palestinian protesters clash with Israeli security forces in the Israeli-annexed east Jerusalem's predominantly Arab neighbourhood of Silwan on June 29, 2021, during a protest over Israel's planned evictions of Palestinian families from homes in the eastern sector. (AFP)

Since Israel’s occupation and illegal annexation of East Jerusalem in 1967, said Cohen, “Israeli policymaking has been driven by two main factors — the demographic and the territorial. In other words, maintaining a Jewish demographic majority and seizing as much control over land and resources as possible.

“One of the main tools used to carry out this goal is deliberate housing deprivation and the policy of selective demolitions under the guise of building-regulation enforcement.

“These in turn become mechanisms of displacement, pushing Palestinians out of the city while taking over more land for settlements and other Israeli interests.”

Bimkom says Palestinians, who constitute 40 percent of Jerusalem’s population, should be given equal rights to housing and shelter.

“The most basic way of doing this is by approving zoning plans for adequate residential development for the Palestinian population while halting land registration processes and the cruel policy of demolitions,” said Kronish. 

Israeli security forces fire tear gas to disperse Palestinian protesters amid clashes in the Israeli-annexed east Jerusalem's predominantly Arab neighbourhood of Silwan on June 29, 2021, following a protest over Israel's planned evictions of Palestinian families from homes in the eastern sector. (AFP)

“Rather than depleting the only remaining land reserves in and around Palestinian neighborhoods for Israeli settlements, which is happening at an exponential rate, these lands could be designated to meet the dire housing needs of the local residents.”

But neither Bimkom nor Ir Amin see any hope of such a change in policy.

“Given the record number of demolitions over the past two years, the near complete halt in planning processes for Palestinians, ever-increasing challenges to obtaining a building permit, and the fact that 2026 is an election year, there is reason to assume that the rate of demolitions will only increase,” said Cohen.

“Politicians will be looking to score political points, and unfortunately Palestinians often bear the brunt of this.”

Technically, the authority to demolish houses is vested in the municipality, said Daniel Seidemann, an Israeli lawyer and founder of the NGO Terrestrial Jerusalem, which monitors developments in the city that could affect the political process or spark conflict. 

Palestinians help an injured man during scuffles with Israeli police in the Arab east Jerusalem neighbourhood of Silwan as Israeli machinery demolish a Palestinian house at the site on May 10, 2022. (AFP)

“But it’s also vested in the government,” he said. “Once it was the Ministry of Interior, then the ministerial responsibility was transferred to the Finance Ministry, and then last year it was transferred to the Ministry of National Security, and that means Itamar Ben Gvir.”

Seidemann says he saw the symbolic demolition in Wadi Qaddum coming.

“They needed the approval of the Knesset, and the (Joe) Biden administration had considered this to be important enough that they interceded, and the move was not carried out back then. But then right before the summer recess, at 11 o’clock at night, they passed it.”

All the recent demolitions, he said, have been concentrated in the Palestinian neighborhood of Silwan, “and there is clear evidence that this is part of the drive to encircle the Old City with settlements and settlement-related projects.”

The international community, he believes, has lost the will to intervene. “That has been the case since the beginning of the war,” he said, referring to the conflict in Gaza that began in October 2023. 

“But with all the crises the world is currently dealing with, whether it’s climate change, Ukraine and now Venezuela, there just isn’t a lot of bandwidth left to deal with this. 

Israeli and foreign activists hold placards during a protest against Israeli occupation and house demolitions in East Jerusalem's predominantly Arab neighbourhood of Silwan, on December 19, 2025, over Israel's planned evictions of Palestinian families from homes in the eastern sector's Silwan district. (AFP)

“And it’s personal. I see the political officers in the embassies and the consulates, and they’re just overwhelmed.”

Once, he said, “in spite of all of his bluster, Netanyahu was risk-averse and engageable. He would be attentive, especially to the US, but also to European capitals. Now, he is following Ben-Gvir’s lead and he is un-engageable. He listens to nobody.”

One symptom of that is the dramatic increase in demolitions of Palestinian homes and the building of illegal settlements. But other consequences may be looming.

Given all the increased pressures on the Palestinian people since 2023, including the destruction of their homes and settler attacks, Seidemann has grave fears about what might happen in Jerusalem during Ramadan in February and March this year.

“The past couple of years, the Biden administration had senior officials sitting in Jerusalem, monitoring things, interceding, mediating, and it worked. They were able to elicit restraint from Netanyahu. But there is no guarantee that will be the case this year.

“Ben-Gvir is making no secret of his intention to radically change the status quo at Al-Aqsa, the Temple Mount. The West Bank and East Jerusalem is a tinder box, the entire region is on the brink in every imaginable front, and there is no issue more sensitive than Al-Aqsa.

“And what starts in Jerusalem doesn’t stay in Jerusalem.”