Turkey’s human rights plan ‘ignores attacks on freedoms’

President Erdogan announced a series of reforms aimed at improving human rights in the country on Tuesday, but critics questioned their effectiveness in improving standards. (AP)
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Updated 03 March 2021
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Turkey’s human rights plan ‘ignores attacks on freedoms’

  • High-profile detentions a litmus test for Erdogan proposals, legal experts say

ANKARA: Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s long-awaited human rights action plan fails to acknowledge a significant deterioration in individual freedoms over the past decade, critics claim. 

The plan, which was prepared with EU funding of 1.3 million Turkish liras ($177,000), was unveiled by the Turkish leader on Tuesday.

Erdogan said that the ultimate aim of the action plan “is a new civilian constitution.”

The plan seeks to strengthen freedom of expression, international human rights standards and the judicial system, but neglects to detail specific measures concerning arbitrary detentions, long-term imprisonment or restrictions on demonstrations.  

However, legal experts and ordinary citizens expect not more words, but deeds from the country’s rulers in light of Turkey’s weak record on human rights, with the imprisonment of thousands of journalists, politicians and rights activists on terror-related charges.

These include philanthropist Osman Kavala and Kurdish politician and former leader of the third-largest parliamentary party, the People’s Democratic Party (HDP), Selahattin Demirtas.

The two high-profile cases will be a litmus test for the government’s willingness to meet its pledges on stronger rights and freedoms.  

On Feb. 10, the US State Department urged Ankara to immediately release Kavala, who has been detained for more than three years without a conviction. 

Turkey’s failure to release Kavala — ignoring European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) judgments — is expected to trigger infringement proceedings by the Council of Europe against Ankara.

Both Washington and Brussels have urged Turkey to comply with the ECHR rulings on the release of Kavala and Demirtas. 

Although Erdogan on Tuesday promised that no one could be deprived of freedom because of their thoughts, Kavala’s detention has been repeatedly prolonged by local courts, with Turkey’s Constitutional Court having flouted the ECHR ruling on his right to liberty. 

“We will not water every flower we see. While watering a flower with its head bent means justice, watering a thorn means cruelty,” Erdogan said on Tuesday, hinting that the reforms will be implemented in a selective manner. 

Turkey will also release an annual human rights report, and a specific committee will be charged to monitor human rights conditions in prisons. 

“Without action, Turkey’s rule of law promises only point to its leadership’s own wrongdoings, like systematically labelling dissent and protest as ‘terrorism,’ arbitrary detentions, verdicts pronounced at the political level, ignoring European Court of Human Rights,” Marc Pierini, a former EU ambassador to Turkey and now an analyst at Carnegie Europe, tweeted. 

Sezgin Tanrikulu, an MP from the main opposition CHP, criticized the plan, saying that it shows the government has been violating human rights and is now trying to restore violations committed in the past. 

Turkey is still a leading jailer of journalists in the world.

“In a January communication to the Committee of Ministers on the Kavala judgment, the government made explicit references to the work underway for the human rights action plan to convince the committee of its willingness to improve the human rights situation in the country,” Ayse Bingol Demir, a human rights lawyer and co-director of the Turkey Human Rights Litigation Support Project, told Arab News. 

Demir said that the government’s launch of the human rights action plan comes days before the Committee of Ministers’ March 9-11 meeting during which Turkey’s compliance with the European Court over Kavala and Demirtas judgments will be reviewed.

“This meeting is particularly important as the committee will also consider whether to trigger infringement proceedings against Turkey in relation to the Kavala case due to his detention despite the committee’s two previous decisions and an interim resolution calling for, among others, his immediate release,” she said. 

Demir expects Turkey to continue its efforts to prevent or delay “this exceptional step.” 

“No need to say that the perspective presented to the outside world in the action plan does not correspond at all to the dire reality on the ground and the crisis facing the rule of law in the country resulting from the policies and practices of the very same person who presented it,” she said. 

Although this latest move from the government might receive some “diplomatic welcomes” from the European Council, Demir believes that as long as Kavala and Demirtas remain in detention, “I do not expect any shift in favor of Turkey at the committee level.”

On the same day the action plan was unveiled, the Court of Cassation launched an inquiry into the HDP in relation to a recent indictment against party members. 

This move, which is backed by the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and its nationalist ally MHP, is seen as another step toward the party’s closure over terror-related accusations that escalated after Ankara claimed Turkish hostages were killed by the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) in northern Iraq last month.

“God willing, we will shut down the HDP in the eyes of the people,” Cahit Ozkan, a deputy parliamentary group chairman for AKP, said on Tuesday after Erdogan’s speech, again sparking concerns about the sincerity of the pledged reforms. 

Thousands of HDP officials and members have already been arrested, while dozens of its elected mayors have been dismissed. 

Turkey ranked 107 across 128 countries in the latest Rule of Law Index by World Justice Project that concentrates on corruption, fundamental rights, regulatory enforcement and civil justice. 


Palestinian citizens in Israel demand more security from violence

Updated 58 min 11 sec ago
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Palestinian citizens in Israel demand more security from violence

  • Protests and strikes are sweeping Israel over record levels of violence targeting the country’s Palestinian citizens
  • At least 26 people were killed in January alone, adding to a record-breaking toll of more than 250 last year

KAFR YASIF, Israel: Nabil Safiya had taken a break from studying for a biology exam to meet a cousin at a pizza parlor when a gunman on a motorcycle rode past and fired, killing the 15-year-old as he sat in a black Renault.
The shooting — which police later said was a case of mistaken identity — stunned his hometown of Kafr Yasif, long besieged, like many Palestinian towns in Israel, by a wave of gang violence and family feuds.
“There is no set time for the gunfire anymore,” said Nabil’s father, Ashraf Safiya. “They can kill you in school, they can kill you in the street, they can kill you in the football stadium.”
The violence plaguing Israel’s Arab minority has become an inescapable part of daily life. Activists have long accused authorities of failing to address the issue and say that sense has deepened under Israel’s current far-right government.
One out of every five citizens in Israel is Palestinian. The rate of crime-related killings among them is more than 22 times higher than that for Jewish Israelis, while arrest and indictment rates for those crimes are far lower. Critics cite the disparities as evidence of entrenched discrimination and neglect.
A growing number of demonstrations are sweeping Israel. Thousands marched in Tel Aviv late Saturday to demand action, while Arab communities have gone on strike, closing shops and schools.
In November, after Nabil was gunned down, residents marched through the streets, students boycotted their classes and the Safiya family turned their home into a shrine with pictures and posters of Nabil.
The outrage had as much to do with what happened as with how often it keeps happening.
“There’s a law for the Jewish society and a different law for Palestinian society,” Ghassan Munayyer, a political activist from Lod, a mixed city with a large Palestinian population, said at a recent protest.
An epidemic of violence
Some Palestinian citizens have reached the highest echelons of business and politics in Israel. Yet many feel forsaken by authorities, with their communities marked by underinvestment and high unemployment that fuels frustration and distrust toward the state.
Nabil was one of a record 252 Palestinian citizens to be killed in Israel last year, according to data from Abraham Initiatives, an Israeli nongovernmental organization that promotes coexistence and safer communities. The toll continues to climb, with at least 26 additional crime-related killings in January.
Walid Haddad, a criminologist who teaches at Ono Academic College and who previously worked in Israel’s national security ministry, said that organized crime thrives off weapons trafficking and loan‑sharking in places where people lack access to credit. Gangs also extort residents and business owners for “protection,” he said.
Based on interviews with gang members in prisons and courts, he said they can earn anywhere from thousands to hundreds of thousands of dollars, depending on whether the job is torching cars, shooting at buildings or assassinating rival leaders.
“If they fire at homes or people once or twice a month, they can buy cars, go on trips. It’s easy money,” Haddad said, noting a widespread sense of impunity.
The violence has stifled the rhythm of life in many Palestinian communities. In Kafr Yasif, a northern Israel town of 10,000, streets empty by nightfall, and it’s not uncommon for those trying to sleep to hear gunshots ringing through their neighborhoods.
Prosecutions lag
Last year, only 8 percent of killings of Palestinian citizens led to charges filed against suspects, compared with 55 percent in Jewish communities, according to Abraham Initiatives.
Lama Yassin, the Abraham Initiatives’ director of shared cities and regions, said strained relations with police long discouraged Palestinian citizens from calling for new police stations or more police officers in their communities.
Not anymore.
“In recent years, because people are so depressed and feel like they’re not able to practice day-to-day life ... Arabs are saying, ‘Do whatever it takes, even if it means more police in our towns,’” Yassin said.
The killings have become a rallying cry for Palestinian-led political parties after successive governments pledged to curb the bloodshed with little results. Politicians and activists see the spate of violence as a reflection of selective enforcement and police apathy.
“We’ve been talking about this for 10 years,” said Knesset member Aida Touma-Suleiman.
She labeled policing in Palestinian communities “collective punishment,” noting that when Jews are victims of violence, police often set up roadblocks in neighboring Palestinian towns, flood areas with officers and arrest suspects en masse.
“The only side that can be able to smash a mafia is the state and the state is doing nothing except letting (organized crime) understand that they are free to do whatever they want,” Touma-Suleiman said.
Many communities feel impunity has gotten worse, she added, under National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, who with authority over the police has launched aggressive and visible campaigns against other crimes, targeting protests and pushing for tougher operations in east Jerusalem and the occupied West Bank.
Israeli police reject allegations of skewed priorities, saying that killings in these communities are a top priority. Police also have said investigations are challenging because witnesses don’t always cooperate.
“Investigative decisions are guided by evidence, operational considerations, and due process, not by indifference or lack of prioritization,” police said in a statement.
Unanswered demands
In Kafr Yasif, Ashraf Safiya vowed his son wouldn’t become just another statistic.
He had just gotten home from his work as a dentist and off the phone with Nabil when he learned about the shooting. He raced to the scene to find the car window shattered as Nabil was being rushed to the hospital. Doctors there pronounced him dead.
“The idea was that the blood of this boy would not be wasted,” Safiya said of protests he helped organize. “If people stop caring about these cases, we’re going to just have another case and another case.”
Authorities said last month they were preparing to file an indictment against a 23-year-old arrested in a neighboring town in connection with the shooting. They said the intended target was a relative, referring to the cousin with Nabil that night.
And they described Nabil as a victim of what they called “blood feuds within Arab society.”
At a late January demonstration in Kafr Yasif, marchers carried portraits of Nabil and Nidal Mosaedah, another local boy killed in the violence. Police broke up the protest, saying it lasted longer than authorized, and arrested its leaders, including the former head of the town council.
The show of force, residents said, may have quashed one protest, but did nothing to halt the killings.