Sudan protests biggest threat yet to Bashir

Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir speaks during a meeting with police officials at the headquarters of the "police house" in the capital Khartoum on December 30, 2018. (AFP)
Updated 04 January 2019
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Sudan protests biggest threat yet to Bashir

  • Some protesters have also adopted the slogan used in the 2011 Arab Spring — “the people want the fall of the regime”
  • Bashir came to power in a coup backed by extremists that toppled prime minister Sadiq Al-Madhi and his democratically elected government

PARIS: Deadly protests that have grown across Sudan in recent weeks are the biggest threat to President Omar Al-Bashir’s iron-fisted rule since he swept to power in a 1989 coup, experts said.
Clashes have killed at least 19 since demonstrations began two weeks ago, initially in protest against bread prices tripling but rapidly evolving in to anti-government rallies.
Rights group Amnesty International has put the death toll at 37 and United Nations Secretary General Antonio Guterres has called for an investigation.
“These demonstrations and the anger that animates them are much stronger than any we’ve seen in recent years,” said Eric Reeves, a senior fellow at Harvard University who has been tracking Sudan’s politics and economy for two decades.
“The shortage of bread ... and outrageous price increases is perhaps the greatest source of immediate popular anger, and there is nothing that can alleviate the problem,” Reeves told AFP.
Protests erupted when the government raised the price of a small loaf of bread from one Sudanese pound to three (from about two to six US cents).
Several buildings and offices of Bashir’s ruling National Congress Party (NCP) were torched in the initial violence.
Some protesters have also adopted the slogan used in the 2011 Arab Spring — “the people want the fall of the regime.”
Bashir, wanted for genocide by the Hague-based International Criminal Court over a conflict in Darfur, came to power in a coup backed by extremists that toppled prime minister Sadiq Al-Madhi and his democratically elected government.
Since then the former military general has ruled the African country with a tight grasp, using the feared National Intelligence and Security Service (NISS) to curb dissent.
NISS agents regularly arrest opposition leaders, activists and journalists who voice anti-regime opinions.

Civil War

Bashir, 75, took control at the height of a brutal north-south civil war that only ended in 2005. Oil-rich South Sudan seceded in 2011, becoming the world’s newest nation state.
Separate conflicts between Sudanese forces and rebels in Darfur, Blue Nile and South Kordofan states have also killed hundreds of thousands of people and displaced millions.
Analysts say these conflicts and a failure to boost agriculture in a country once renowned as a major bread producer have left Sudan’s economy in a shambles, despite Washington lifting a two-decade trade embargo in 2017.
Secession by the south — which took three quarters of Sudan’s oil reserves — has seen Khartoum experience an acute foreign exchange shortage.
Inflation has soared to 70 percent while shortages of bread and fuel have hit the capital and other cities.
“The economy has been collapsing for almost a decade ... but the regime functions as a kleptocracy and maintains power only through national budgets that are wildly skewed to military and security service expenses,” said Reeves.
“I think the anger we’ve seen will not dissipate.”
The ongoing protests are more widespread than those in January 2018 and September 2013.
They began first in outlying towns and cities, which had been left with a particularly acute shortage of wheat and flour, after supplies were diverted to Khartoum.
But despite the attempts to stockpile in the capital, the protests still spread there.
“The government and the ruling party was caught by surprise when protests erupted outside Khartoum,” said Khalid Tijani, editor of economic weekly Elaff.
“It just showed the ruling NCP how isolated it is.”
After three days without major demonstrations, the opposition and activists have called for further protests after prayers this Friday.

Weakened

The protests are the biggest challenge Bashir has faced, according to Tijani.
“The demonstrations have weakened his position,” he said. “President Bashir was about to get consitutional amendments to permit him to run for the presidency again in 2020, but he will now have to reconsider that.”
Reeves said even middle and lower ranking army officers are “generally appalled” at the country’s economic and political situation.
“Some openly side with the demonstrators,” he said.
About 22 political groups close to the government have asked for Bashir to step down.
Although a change of regime is still unlikely in the immediate future, a European diplomat said Bashir will now be under permanent pressure.
“The decisive factor will be the attitude of the security apparatus, especially the army,” the diplomat said on condition of anonymity.
“If the repression becomes too harsh, the army won’t allow it and that’s why the current movement of protests is potentially momentous.”
Bashir and his government have no answers to Sudan’s economic problems, said Reeves.
“He faces open and growing popular opposition ... all this makes Bashir’s future highly uncertain,” he said.


’No one to back us’: Arab bus drivers in Israel grapple with racist attacks

Updated 56 min 42 sec ago
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’No one to back us’: Arab bus drivers in Israel grapple with racist attacks

  • “People began running toward me and shouting at me, ‘Arab, Arab!’” recalled Khatib, a Palestinian from east Jerusalem

JERUSALEM: What began as an ordinary shift for Jerusalem bus driver Fakhri Khatib ended hours later in tragedy.
A chaotic spiral of events, symptomatic of a surge in racist violence targeting Arab bus drivers in Israel, led to the death of a teenager, Khatib’s arrest and calls for him to be charged with aggravated murder.
His case is an extreme one, but it sheds light on a trend bus drivers have been grappling with for years, with a union counting scores of assaults in Jerusalem alone and advocates lamenting what they describe as an anaemic police response.

Palestinian women wait for a bus at a stop near Israel's controversial separation barrier in the Dahiat al-Barit suburb of east Jerusalem on February 15, 2026. (AFP)

One evening in early January, Khatib found his bus surrounded as he drove near the route of a protest by Israel’s ultra-Orthodox Jewish community.
“People began running toward me and shouting at me, ‘Arab, Arab!’” recalled Khatib, a Palestinian from east Jerusalem.
“They were cursing at me and spitting on me, I became very afraid,” he told AFP.
Khatib said he called the police, fearing for his life after seeing soaring numbers of attacks against bus drivers in recent months.
But when no police arrived after a few minutes, Khatib decided to drive off to escape the crowd, unaware that 14-year-old Yosef Eisenthal was holding onto his front bumper.
The Jewish teenager was killed in the incident and Khatib arrested.
Police initially sought charges of aggravated murder but later downgraded them to negligent homicide.
Khatib was released from house arrest in mid-January and is awaiting the final charge.

- Breaking windows -

Drivers say the violence has spiralled since the start of the Gaza war in October 2023 and continued despite the ceasefire, accusing the state of not doing enough to stamp it out or hold perpetrators to account.
The issue predominantly affects Palestinians from annexed east Jerusalem and the country’s Arab minority, Palestinians who remained in what is now Israel after its creation in 1948 and who make up about a fifth of the population.
Many bus drivers in cities such as Jerusalem and Haifa are Palestinian.
There are no official figures tracking racist attacks against bus drivers in Israel.
But according to the union Koach LaOvdim, or Power to the Workers, which represents around 5,000 of Israel’s roughly 20,000 bus drivers, last year saw a 30 percent increase in attacks.
In Jerusalem alone, Koach LaOvdim recorded 100 cases of physical assault in which a driver had to be evacuated for medical care.
Verbal incidents, the union said, were too numerous to count.
Drivers told AFP that football matches were often flashpoints for attacks — the most notorious being those of the Beitar Jerusalem club, some of whose fans have a reputation for anti-Arab violence.
The situation got so bad at the end of last year that the Israeli-Palestinian grassroots group Standing Together organized a “protective presence” on buses, a tactic normally used to deter settler violence against Palestinians in the Israeli-occupied West Bank.
One evening in early February, a handful of progressive activists boarded buses outside Jerusalem’s Teddy Stadium to document instances of violence and defuse the situation if necessary.
“We can see that it escalates sometimes toward breaking windows or hurting the bus drivers,” activist Elyashiv Newman told AFP.
Outside the stadium, an AFP journalist saw young football fans kicking, hitting and shouting at a bus.
One driver, speaking on condition of anonymity, blamed far-right National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir for whipping up the violence.
“We have no one to back us, only God.”

- ‘Crossing a red line’ -

“What hurts us is not only the racism, but the police handling of this matter,” said Mohamed Hresh, a 39-year-old Arab-Israeli bus driver who is also a leader within Koach LaOvdim.
He condemned a lack of arrests despite video evidence of assaults, and the fact that authorities dropped the vast majority of cases without charging anyone.
Israeli police did not respond to AFP requests for comment on the matter.
In early February, the transport ministry launched a pilot bus security unit in several cities including Jerusalem, where rapid-response motorcycle teams will work in coordination with police.
Transport Minister Miri Regev said the move came as violence on public transport was “crossing a red line” in the country.
Micha Vaknin, 50, a Jewish bus driver and also a leader within Koach LaOvdim, welcomed the move as a first step.
For him and his colleague Hresh, solidarity among Jewish and Arab drivers in the face of rising division was crucial for change.
“We will have to stay together,” Vaknin said, “not be torn apart.”