Frankly Speaking: The state of political prisoners in Israel

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Updated 31 August 2025
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Frankly Speaking: The state of political prisoners in Israel

  • Clip of Israeli minister taunting Marwan Barghouti in his prison cell in Israel shows Palestinian suffering and oppressor-oppressed relationship, says son Arab
  • Ben-Gvir’s behavior reinforces previous criticisms by human rights groups about the status and treatment of the approximately 10,000 Palestinians Israel holds in custody

RIYADH: The recent taunting on camera of Marwan Barghouti, the prominent Palestinian political prisoner, by a far-right Israeli minister has been described by his son as reflective of the Palestinian people’s suffering and the oppression they have been through.

“I think that it’s a representation of what the Israeli government has become,” Arab Marwan Barghouti, Marwan’s eldest son, said in the latest episode of “Frankly Speaking,” the weekly current affairs program of Arab News.

“We’ve always thought that there is a ceiling toward the amount of desperation that they’re going to get to. But I don’t think that there is a ceiling … they are getting the green light from all Western governments to do whatever they want.

Arab was commenting on a viral clip showing Itamar Ben-Gvir, Israel’s national security minister, walking into the cell of his father and berating him, saying: “You will not win.” The edited clip did not show Marwan’s response to Ben-Gvir’s taunting.




Arab was commenting on a viral clip showing Itamar Ben-Gvir, Israel’s national security minister, walking into the cell of his father and berating him. (Screenshot)

For the first time in decades, the world saw moving pictures of a man many Palestinians regard as their most legitimate and unifying figure. For Arab, the moment was both painful and symbolic.

The clip, shared by Ben-Gvir’s supporters on X, showed the physical toll of more than two decades behind bars. Marwan, 66, has been imprisoned since 2002 after being convicted by an Israeli court of planning attacks that led to five civilians being killed. He is serving five life sentences plus 40 years.

Arab said the scene captured not just one man’s suffering but the wider relationship between occupier and occupied. “Someone like Ben-Gvir is the one who should be in prison. He’s a fascist, he’s a convicted terrorist and he’s calling for the genocide of the Palestinian people,” he told “Frankly Speaking” host Katie Jensen.

“But I can tell you that this is the normal relationship between an oppressed and oppressor.

“And I think that this picture will go down in history as a representation of the oppression that the Palestinian people have been through. And I think that there is nothing to be ashamed of or embarrassed of as his son. I think that my father stood tall against oppression, as always, representing the whole of the Palestinian people.”

Marwan’s humiliating treatment by Ben-Gvir, not to mention his aged and gaunt appearance in the footage, garnered global condemnation and reinforced previous criticism of Israel’s alleged maltreatment of prisoners.

According to the Palestinian Prisoners Club, some 17,000 Palestinians were arrested by Israeli authorities in the West Bank and East Jerusalem between Oct. 7, 2023, and May this year.

Some 10,400 were being detained in Israeli jails as of June 8, according to the Israeli rights organization HaMoked. Meanwhile, 3,562 were under so-called administrative detention, held indefinitely without charge.

Among those arrested between Oct. 7, 2023 and January this year were 1,055 children, of which 440 remain in jail. Thousands more detainees have been rounded up in Gaza and taken to Israeli prisons, with limited information given to families about their condition or whereabouts.

Reacting to the Ben-Gvir video, UN spokesperson Stephane Dujarric said: “The video is troubling. We are aware of it. It is important to remind that prisoners should be treated in accordance with international law, respecting their inherent dignity.”




For the Barghouti family, the viral footage was devastating, Arab told Frankly Speaking. (AN Photo)

On Aug. 19, the UN Human Rights Office spokesman Thameen Al-Kheetan said the footage was unacceptable, adding: “The minister’s behavior and the publication of the footage constitute an attack on Marwan’s dignity.”

Raed Abu Al-Homs, head of the Palestinian Prisoners’ Affairs Commission, expressed deep concern for Marwan’s life. In a statement, he said: “The language and arguments (Ben-Gvir) used, in both substance and tone, are a dangerous indication of the intentions harbored by this notorious racist.”

He also urged “all international bodies to take immediate action to provide protection for this leader, who represents a unifying national symbol for the Palestinian people.”

The PA’s ambassador to the UN, Riyad Mansour, condemned Ben-Gvir’s act as “racist and fascistic hate, and a deplorable and immoral behavior that violates international law, which prohibits such heinous acts in dealing with prisoners and detainees.”

For the Barghouti family, the footage was devastating. “Not easy,” Arab said of his mother Fadwa’s reaction. “I don’t think it’s easy for us to take minutes to be able to recognize my father’s face.

“The whole family hasn’t seen my father in more than two-and-a-half years, since before (the Hamas-led attack of) Oct. 7 (2023). And it’s not easy. He’s been losing weight. He’s been assaulted multiple times in prison. You can see how his body is getting weaker.

“But I think that we always remind ourselves that my father’s fate is always linked with the Palestinian people’s fate. If they’re being starved, he’s being starved. If they’re being assaulted, he’s being assaulted. And that’s a path that he’s chosen.

“I think the sad part is to see his six grandchildren that he’s never met before, looking at him and asking so many questions that this is not our grandfather that we’ve always known. But I think that’s a representation of the Palestinian suffering. And we represent thousands of Palestinian families that are going through the same pain at the moment.”

The family’s access has long been severely restricted. “The last time my mother saw him was two and a half years ago and I haven’t seen him in three years,” said Arab.

“And after turning 16 (when Palestinians qualify as adults under Israeli criminal law), I would see him once every two to three years. So this is the norm actually.”

Since the Gaza war began, even those rare contacts have disappeared. “After Oct. 7, everything changed,” said Arab. “There’s no way of communication. The only way is the lawyer, and the lawyer has only been able to see him a handful of times.”

According to Arab, his father has been held in solitary confinement since Oct. 7, and regularly assaulted — an experience that many freed detainees say they have endured.

“If you talk to any Palestinian political prisoner who has been released in the last few months, you will understand the amount of torture that they go through regularly, every single day,” he said.

“And this is why we have lost already, since Oct. 7, more than 76 Palestinian detainees. And that’s only the documented cases.”




Arab said his father continues to believe in the two-state solution, even though many young Palestinians increasingly see it as a dead end. (AN Photo)

Once a leading figure in the West Bank’s ruling Fatah party and an elected lawmaker, Marwan remains the most popular Palestinian political figure, with polls consistently showing him far ahead of PA President Mahmoud Abbas and Hamas leaders despite his long absence.

“I think it can be explained by mentioning what he is,” said Arab. “He is a unifying figure and that’s the main point that Palestinians appreciate him for.

“The other thing is that he is someone who is willing to sacrifice for his people. The first statement when he went to prison, he said that if the price of my people’s freedom is my own freedom, I’m willing to pay that price. And he is paying that price.

“The other thing is that I think he has a political vision that is accepted by all the Palestinian people. And that’s why in 2006, his biggest political achievement was bringing all Palestinian factions into one umbrella and one document, the Prisoners’ Document.

“It (called for the) establishment of a Palestinian state (based on) the ‘67 borders, the targeting of civilians is forbidden, the resistance should be limited to within the ‘67 borders as well. And he put all these points in one document that even Hamas, Islamic Jihad and all Palestinian political factions signed on.

“And this is something that we Palestinians appreciate, because we are hungry for unity and we’ve been divided for too long and (are) paying the price for that.”

Arab said his father continues to believe in the two-state solution, even though many young Palestinians increasingly see it as a dead end.

“He is a supporter of the two-state solution, but he’s not delusional. He understands that it’s going to be very, very hard to do, but it’s the only viable solution at the moment. It’s the only acceptable solution even by the international community.

“Our problem is not with the solution itself. Our problem is with committing to whatever we agree on.”

Arab firmly rejected the notion that Palestinian leaders had squandered earlier opportunities for peace. Responding to former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert’s claim on “Frankly Speaking” last week that the PA turned down a “generous offer” during his term in office, Arab argued that this framing has long been part of what he called a “manipulative” Israeli narrative.




Reports have long suggested that some fear Marwan’s release would threaten the position of Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas (pictured), but Arab dismissed the speculation. (AFP/File Photo)

He traced the roots of this narrative back to 1947, when Palestinians were offered 45 percent of the land under the UN partition plan despite, he said, owning more than 90 percent. “That’s, of course, not something that any people are willing to accept,” he said.

“Then they got 78 percent of the land, and then they completed the whole land in ‘67. And then in ‘93, they came in and they said, okay, we’ll give you the 22 percent, but we’re going to divide them between A, B and C areas. And C areas represent 62 percent of the West Bank. It’s all manipulative.”

For Arab, this history undermines the claim that Palestinians have simply refused peace. Instead, he sees a steady pattern of shrinking territorial rights and shifting goalposts, leaving Palestinians in a weaker position with each negotiation cycle.

What was described as an “offer,” he said, was always conditional and structured in a way that entrenched Israeli power rather than advanced Palestinian sovereignty.

Reports have long suggested that elements within the PA fear Marwan’s release would threaten the position of Abbas and his inner circle, leading to claims in some quarters that the PA has asked Israel not to free him. Arab dismissed the speculation.

“I think he’s a unifying figure not only for the Palestinian people, but also for Fatah,” he said. “If you ask my father, he is a proud Fatah member. He is a member of the Central Committee of Fatah. He was voted, first, by far the highest votes inside Fatah, not outside Fatah only. He’s a parliament member.

“So, I think with his credibility, with his resume, he can bring people together. He’s not someone who is going to destabilize the Palestinian politics. He’s never been interested in that.

“And even when it comes to the PA leadership and Fatah leadership, he’s more interested in bringing people together, rather than to bring more divisions. So, it won’t be something done in a chaotic way.

“It will be organized and have positive dialogues and discussions internally until we get to a point where Fatah is stronger. And I think a strong Fatah means a stronger Palestinian cause and a stronger representation of the Palestinian people.”

 

While his father is widely seen as a potential unifier of rival factions, Arab himself is cautious about stepping into political life. He has become an articulate advocate on international platforms, but he insists his ambitions are different.

“I don’t think so,” he said when asked about a political career. “My personal dream is to live in a Palestine that has children not worried about their future. Children living in safety and security.”

Instead, he spoke of wanting a normal life — one where his father could finally meet his six grandchildren and keep the promise he made to Arab’s mother four decades ago: that when Palestine is free, the family would live not as symbols of resistance, but as ordinary people.

Asked what his father would do if freed, Arab said: “I think he has a political vision that is accepted by the Palestinian factions and his political vision is based on establishing a sovereign, independent Palestinian state that secures freedom and living with dignity for all Palestinians. And that’s something that we all agree on.

“And the interesting thing is that it’s not only accepted by Palestinian factions, but also by the international community itself. The whole international community nowadays is calling for the two-state solution.

“Here is a leader who is the most popular leader in Palestine and speaks of what the international community accepts. But that’s why we need the help of the international community and especially the regional powers like the Saudis, the Emiratis and Qataris, Egyptians, Jordanians. We need their help to make sure that we have that in reality.”

 


Morocco aims to boost legal cannabis farming and tap a global boom

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Morocco aims to boost legal cannabis farming and tap a global boom

BAB BERRED: Since he started growing cannabis at 14, Mohamed Makhlouf has lived in the shadows, losing sleep while bracing for a knock on his door from authorities that could mean prison or his entire harvest confiscated.
But after decades of operating in secret, Makhlouf finally has gained peace of mind as Morocco expands legal cultivation and works to integrate veteran growers like him into the formal economy.
On his farmland deep in the Rif Mountains, stalks of a government-approved cannabis strain rise from the earth in dense clusters. He notices when police pass on a nearby road. But where the crop’s aroma once meant danger, today there is no cause for concern. They know he sells to a local cooperative.
“Legalization is freedom,” Makhlouf said. “If you want your work to be clean, you work with the companies and within the law.”
The 70-year-old Makhlouf’s story mirrors the experience of a small but growing number of farmers who started in Morocco’s vast black market but now sell legally to cooperatives producing cannabis for medicinal and industrial use.
New market begins to sprout
Morocco is the world’s biggest producer of cannabis and top supplier of the resin used to make hashish. For years, authorities have oscillated between looking the other way and cracking down, even as the economy directly or indirectly supports hundreds of thousands of people in the Rif Mountains, according to United Nations reports and government data.
Abdelsalam Amraji, another cannabis farmer who joined the legal industry, said the crop is crucial to keeping the community afloat.
“Local farmers have tried cultivating wheat, nuts, apples, and other crops, but none have yielded viable results,” he said.
The region is known as an epicenter of anti-government sentiment and growers have lived for years with arrest warrants hanging over them. They avoided cities and towns. Many saw their fields burned in government campaigns targeting cultivation.
Though cannabis can fetch higher prices on the black market, the decreased risk is worth it, Amraji said.
“Making money in the illegal field brings fear and problems,” he said. “When everything is legal, none of that happens.”
Market remains under tight regulation
The change began in 2021 when Morocco became the first major illegal cannabis producer, and the first Muslim-majority country, to pass a law legalizing certain forms of cultivation.
Officials heralded the move as a way to lift small-scale farmers like Makhlouf and Amraji out of poverty and integrate cannabis-growing regions into the economy after decades of marginalization.
In 2024, King Mohammed VI pardoned more than 4,800 farmers serving prison sentences to allow longtime growers “to integrate into the new strategy,” the justice ministry said at the time.
Since legalization was enacted in 2022, Morocco has tightly regulated every step of production and sale from seeds and pesticides to farming licenses and distribution. Though certain cultivation is authorized, officials have shown no sign of moving toward legalization or reforms targeting recreational consumers.
“We have two contradictory missions that are really to allow the same project to succeed in the same environment,” said Mohammed El Guerrouj, director-general of Morocco’s cannabis regulatory agency. “Our mission as policemen is to enforce regulations. But our mission is also to support farmers and operators so they succeed in their projects.”
Licensing and cooperatives are part of new ecosystem
The agency issued licenses last year to more than 3,371 growers across the Rif and recorded nearly 4,200 tons of legal cannabis produced.
Near the town of Bab Berred, the Biocannat cooperative buys cannabis from roughly 200 small farmers during harvest season. The raw plant is transformed into neat vials of CBD oil, jars of lotion and chocolates that have spread across Morocco’s pharmacy shelves.
Some batches are milled into industrial hemp for textiles. For medicinal use and export, some of the product is refined into products with less than 1 percent THC, the psychoactive compound that gives cannabis its high.
Aziz Makhlouf, the cooperative’s director, said legalization created a whole ecosystem that employed more than just farmers.
“There are those who handle packaging, those who handle transport, those who handle irrigation — all of it made possible through legalization,” said Makhlouf, a Bab Berred native whose family has long been involved in cannabis farming.
Legalization has brought licenses, formal cooperatives and the hope of steady income without fear of arrest. But the shift also has exposed the limits of reform. The legal market remains too small to absorb the hundreds of thousands who depend on the illicit trade and the new rules have introduced more pressures, farmers and experts say.
Protests erupted in parts of nearby Taounate in August after cooperatives there failed to pay growers for their crop. Farmers waved banners reading “No legalization without rights” and “Enough procrastination,” furious that payments they were promised for working legally at the government’s urging never came, local media reported.
Illegal cultivation persists
The government insists the transformation is only beginning and challenges can be overcome.
But black market demand remains high. Today, cannabis is grown legally on 14,300 acres (5,800 hectares) in the Rif, while more than 67,000 acres (27,100 hectares) are used for illegal growing, according to government data. The number of farmers entering the legal system remains tiny compared with the number thought to be tied to the illicit market.
An April report from the Global Institute Against Transnational Organized Crime characterized the industry as “more one of coexistence of both markets than a decisive transition from one to the other.”
“A substantial proportion of the population continue to rely on illicit cannabis networks for income generation, perpetuating the dynamics that the state is trying to reform,” the report said.
For now, Morocco’s two cannabis economies exist side by side — one regulated and one outlawed — as the country tries to coax a centuries-old trade out of the shadows without leaving its farmers behind.
“Cannabis is legal now, just like mint,” Amraji said. “I never imagined I’d one day be authorized to grow it. I’m shocked.”