How effective are the US strikes on the Houthis?

The location was given as “somewhere over the US Central Command area of responsibility.” (US Central Command)
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Updated 18 March 2025
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How effective are the US strikes on the Houthis?

  • Fate of militia’s leaders unknown as health ministry blames US campaign for deaths of scores of people, including women and children
  • Prospect of prolonged campaign raises questions of cost, Israeli role and US ability to weaken Houthi defenses and eliminate key leaders

LONDON: Few took notice of a five-minute video posted on YouTube on Friday by Media Magik Entertainment, an American “veteran-owned company” that regularly uploads public-relations footage shot by the US military.

The short film, which by the weekend had attracted only a few hundred views, showed a flight of four US Navy F/A-18 fighter jets, assigned to the Harry S. Truman Carrier Strike Group, refueling in the air above a semi-mountainous desert landscape.

The location was given as “somewhere over the US Central Command area of responsibility.” CENTCOM’s area includes the Red Sea, Arabian Gulf and the entire Middle East.

The footage ended with an on-screen message from CENTCOM. The carrier strike group, it read, “is ready … to execute the full spectrum of carrier operations essential to US national security, including the defense of the US and partner forces … and freedom of navigation to ensure maritime security and stability.”




CENTCOM said that the strikes, which so far had hit radar sites, missile defenses and missile and drone systems, could last for days. (AFP)

At that moment the nuclear-powered Nimitz-class Harry S. Truman aircraft carrier was at the northern end of the Red Sea, having passed through the Suez Canal in December.

The following day millions around the world watched footage of some of those same aircraft taking off from the carrier, bound for targets in Yemen as part of a package of strikes aimed at the Houthis, formally designated by the US as a foreign terrorist organization on March 4.

The video released by the US military — of fighters taking off from the aircraft carrier, missiles launching from ships and the black-and-white drone-shot footage of missiles striking targets marked by crosshairs — was eerily reminiscent of the nightly news footage that was seen throughout the “shock and awe” phase of the US-led invasion of Iraq over 20 years ago.

On Truth Social, his social media platform, President Trump announced he had ordered the US military “to launch decisive and powerful military action against the Houthi terrorists in Yemen,” who had “waged an unrelenting campaign of piracy, violence, and terrorism against American, and other, ships, aircraft, and drones.”

CENTCOM said that the strikes, which so far had hit radar sites, missile defenses and missile and drone systems, could last for days and, depending on the Houthi response, could “intensify in scope and scale.”

Targets on the first day of strikes included a building in Yemen’s capital, Sanaa, described as a Houthi stronghold; a power station in the town of Dahyan, close to the northern city of Saada; and military sites in the southern city of Taiz.

Strikes continued throughout the weekend and into Monday, concentrating on targets in Al-Jawf governorate, adjacent to Saudi Arabia’s southern border with Yemen, and in the Red Sea port city of Hodeidah.




Strikes continued throughout the weekend and into Monday. (Google Earth)

“CENTCOM has shifted from the mission as a ‘defensive operation’ for protecting international shipping to a large-scale operation,” Hisham Mgdashi, a Yemeni military and security analyst, said in an assessment of the US military attacks on X.

“The latest strikes targeted entirely new locations that had not been previously hit. Hitting Al-Jarraf is strategically comparable to striking Dahiyeh in Beirut. The continued waves of operations suggest that a pre-planned target list is being systematically executed.”

In a post on X on Monday morning, Houthi health ministry spokesman Anis Al-Asbahi said that the US strikes had so far killed 53 people, including “five children and two women,” and wounded 98 others. As yet there is no confirmation of US claims that “key Houthi figures” were targeted and have been killed.

The Houthis had actually paused their attacks on shipping in January but appeared poised to resume them. On March 7 Abdul Malik Al-Houthi, the group’s leader, released a statement on X, saying he was giving the mediators of the Gaza peace process “a four-day deadline. If the Israeli enemy continues to withhold humanitarian aid from the Gaza Strip, we will resume our naval operations against them. We will respond to the siege with a siege in the Red Sea.”

Al-Houthi’s whereabouts are currently unknown. Five days ago, a source within the Houthi militia told Newsweek magazine that it was “proceeding with extreme caution” to protect its leadership, “but at the same time, we are highly prepared to make sacrifices and cannot back down.”




It is quite possible that the Houthis have a sufficiently large and well distributed arsenal to resume and keep up their attacks on shipping for some time. (Ansarullah Media Centre/AFP)

It is not known if Al-Houthi is on the American hit list, but Israel has already made clear its eagerness to see him killed. In December Energy Minister Eli Cohen told an Israeli radio station: “I’m sending a message to the Houthi leader that if he continues with his actions, he will end up exactly like (Hamas leader) Sinwar and (Hezbollah Secretary-General) Nasrallah.” Both Sinwar and Nasrallah were killed in separate attacks last year by Israeli forces.

It is also unclear whether Israel will join the US assault on the Houthis, but in the recent past it has attacked Yemen unilaterally, its aircraft hitting port facilities in September in response to missile attacks on Israel from Yemen.

The Houthi attacks on Red Sea shipping began after the Hamas assault on Israel in October 2023. Since then, Trump said, the last American warship to pass through the Red Sea “was attacked by the Houthis over a dozen times.”

In November 2024, the Biden administration had authorized a series of airstrikes “against multiple Houthi weapons storage facilities (which) housed a variety of advanced conventional weapons used by the Iran-backed Houthis to target US and international military and civilian vessels navigating international waters in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden.”

FASTFACTS

• Iran-backed Houthis descended from Saada to seize most of north Yemen, including Sanaa, in 2014. 

• Yemen’s UN-recognized government, backed by a coalition, has been fighting the militia since then. 

• The conflict has left 150,000+ dead and thousands more wounded, both combatants and civilians. 

• Yemen’s govt. ‘monitored and documented’ 1,985 violations committed by the Houthis during 2024.


But this response, Trump wrote on Truth Social at the weekend, had been “pathetically weak.” Now, by contrast, “we will use overwhelming lethal force until we have achieved our objective.”

Resorting to his trademark capitals for emphasis, Trump added: “To all Houthi terrorists, YOUR TIME IS UP, AND YOUR ATTACKS MUST STOP, STARTING TODAY. IF THEY DON’T, HELL WILL RAIN DOWN UPON YOU LIKE NOTHING YOU HAVE EVER SEEN BEFORE!”

That seems highly possible, given the predictable response from the Houthis: “The American aggression on Yemen,” they said in a statement, “is a criminal escalation that will not break the resolve of the Yemeni people and will only increase their determination to support Gaza and the resistance.”




President Donald Trump looks on as military strikes are launched against the Houthis. (White House)

On Monday, the Houthis claimed to have launched two attacks against the US carrier group in the Red Sea over the weekend. An anonymous US official cited by some media reports confirmed the carrier and other ships had been targeted by 11 drones, all of which had been shot down, and a missile that fell into the sea. No US ships were hit.

“The idea that you’re going to do this massive wave of airstrikes and the Houthis are just going to lie on their backs and take it is absurd,” Mohammad Albasha, founder of Basha Report, a US-based Middle East security advisory, told the Wall Street Journal on Sunday. “They’re going to retaliate and retaliate severely. It’s going to be a vicious cycle.”

Regardless of the scale of any Houthi response, analysts say the US military strikes look like the beginning of a sustained campaign that could last for weeks regardless of how high the final bill for the Pentagon. “The minute the Houthis say, ‘We’ll stop shooting at your ships, we’ll stop shooting at your drones,’ this campaign will end. But until then, it will be unrelenting,” Pete Hegseth, the US defense secretary, told Fox News, describing freedom of navigation as “a core national interest.”

The Houthi attacks on shipping have been cripplingly effective. According to a statement released by the White House on Saturday, since November 2023, when the Houthis seized the M/V Galaxy Leader and began to attack commercial shipping with anti-ship missiles and uncrewed aerial vehicles, they have attacked US warships more than 174 times and commercial vessels 145 times.

As a result, the number of merchant ships passing through the Red Sea has more than halved from 25,000 a year to about 10,000, having “a sustained negative effect on global trade and the economic security of the United States.”




The Houthis had actually paused their attacks on shipping in January but appeared poised to resume them. (AFP)

An estimated 75 percent of US- and UK-affiliated vessels now reroute around Africa instead of risking a transit of the Red Sea. Traveling via the Cape of Good Hope instead of the Red Sea and Suez Canal adds an average of 10 days to voyages to Europe from the Middle East or Far East, with an estimated additional fuel cost of $1 million for each trip.

That factor alone, claims the White House, was responsible for increasing global consumer goods inflation between 0.6 and 0.7 percent in 2024.

The Trump administration is signaling that the attacks on the Houthis, while designed to end their attacks on Red Sea shipping, are also a warning shot aimed at Tehran.

“Support for the Houthi terrorists must end IMMEDIATELY,” Trump warned Iran. If not, “BEWARE, because America will hold you fully accountable and, we won’t be nice about it!”

Shortly after, in an interview with ABC, Mike Waltz, White House national security adviser, delivered a heavy hint that direct action against Iran was now being considered by the administration.

“All options are always on the table with the president, but Iran needs to hear him loud and clear,” he said.




A US F/A-18 fighter aircraft preparing for take off. (CENTCOM)

“It is completely unacceptable, and it will be stopped, the level of support that they have been providing the Houthis, just like they have Hezbollah, the militias in Iraq, Hamas and others.

“The previous administration had a series of feckless responses. President Trump is coming in with overwhelming force (and) we will hold not only the Houthis accountable but we’re going to hold Iran, their backers, accountable as well.”

That accountability also extends to concerns about Iran’s nuclear program. On March 7 Trump said at the White House that Iran would not be allowed to have nuclear weapons.

“We are at final moments with Iran,” he said. “Something’s going to happen very soon. There’ll be some interesting days ahead, that’s all I can tell you. You know, we’re down to final strokes with Iran.”

He had, he said, sent a letter to Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei, “saying, I hope you're going to negotiate because if we have to go in militarily, it's going to be a terrible thing for them.”

Tehran’s UN mission later said that no such letter had been received.

Speaking on ABC News on Saturday, Stephen Ganyard, a military analyst and retired US Marine Corps colonel, said the “intended audience” of the weekend attacks “was Iran. The Trump administration has made it clear that they want the Iranians to negotiate an end to their nuclear program, and if they don’t there could be military action like we saw tonight, directly against Iran.”




It is not known if Houthi leader Abdul Malik Al- Houthi is on the US hit list. (X)

Meanwhile, although US forces are obviously capable of identifying and hitting targets with pinpoint accuracy, it is quite possible that the Houthis have a sufficiently large and well distributed arsenal to resume and keep up their attacks on shipping for some time.

“The Houthis have been able to maintain their pressure campaign despite efforts from the US, EU and the international community to restrain attacks,” Caroline Rose, director of the Strategic Blind Spots Portfolio at the New Lines Institute, told Arab News by email. “While Iran’s proxy network in the Levant has largely become dislodged — between Hezbollah’s decline in Lebanon, the departure of the Assad regime in Syria, and a decline of militia influence in Iraq — it’s likely that Iran has channeled its attention and resources toward the Houthis, given their effectiveness in launching strikes against commercial maritime vessels and military assets as an extension of the conflict in Gaza.”


According to the International Institute for Strategic Studies, over the past few years “the Houthis have amassed a remarkably diverse array of anti-ship weaponry”. In a research paper published in December the IISS concluded that the Houthis possessed at least six different types of ballistic anti-ship missile, with ranges from between less than 200 and up to 1,300 km, “all of which either originate from Iran or are based on Iranian technology.”

In addition, when the Houthis seized control in northern Yemen in 2014-15, “they inherited a number of older Soviet and Chinese anti-ship cruise missiles (ASCMs) from Yemen’s pre-war navy,” and since then had been receiving regular shipments of Iranian ASCMs.

Other weapons the Houthis have deployed against shipping include Sammad drones, also of Iranian origin, which are used both to identify and, carrying an 18kg warhead, to strike targets, and fast, remotely controlled unmanned boats packed with explosives. This type of surface weapon was first used in 2017 in an attack on the Saudi frigate Al-Madinah, which killed two of the crew, and has been deployed against Red Sea shipping over the past year.

The size of the Houthis’ anti-ship arsenal is not known. What is clear, however, according to IISS, is that “the international arms embargo that has been in place against the Houthis since 2015 has demonstrably failed to prevent them from obtaining increasingly advanced weapons from Iran and other sources.”




President Trump announced he had ordered the US military “to launch decisive and powerful military action against the Houthi terrorists in Yemen.” (White House)

Nevertheless, the Trump administration seems determined to “punch back,” in the words of Morgan Ortagus, the deputy presidential special envoy to the Middle East.

“Terrorists are not going to be allowed to shoot at US Navy ships, to shoot at our soldiers, to shoot at our commercial vessels, to impede free and fair commerce and trade,” she said, speaking on Fox News on Sunday.

“We’re going to put an end to that … these are not the strikes from the Biden administration that were for show.”

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio reinforced that message in a recent appearance on CBS News. The US, he said, was “doing the entire world a favor by getting rid of these guys and their ability to strike global shipping. That's the mission here, and it will continue until that’s carried out.”

 


Beirut’s Commodore Hotel, a haven for journalists during Lebanon’s civil war, shuts down

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Beirut’s Commodore Hotel, a haven for journalists during Lebanon’s civil war, shuts down

  • The hotel, located in Beirut’s Hamra district, shut down over the weekend
  • Officials have not commented on the decision
BEIRUT: During Lebanon’s civil war, the Commodore Hotel in western Beirut’s Hamra district became iconic among the foreign press corps.
For many, it served as an unofficial newsroom where they could file dispatches even when communications systems were down elsewhere. Armed guards at the door provided some sense of protection as sniper fights and shelling were turning the cosmopolitan city to rubble.
The hotel even had its own much-loved mascot: a cheeky parrot at the bar.
The Commodore endured for decades after the 15-year civil war ended in 1990 — until this week, when it closed for good.
The main gate of the nine-story hotel with more than 200 rooms was shuttered Monday. Officials at the Commodore refused to speak to the media about the decision to close.
Although the country’s economy is beginning to recover from a protracted financial crisis that began in 2019, tensions in the region and the aftermath of the Israel-Hezbollah war that was halted by a tenuous ceasefire in November 2024 are keeping many tourists away. Lengthy daily electricity cuts force businesses to rely on expensive private generators.
The Commodore is not the first of the crisis-battered country’s once-bustling hotels to shut down in recent years.
But for journalists who lived, worked and filed their dispatches there, its demise hits particularly hard.
“The Commodore was a hub of information — various guerrilla leaders, diplomats, spies and of course scores of journalists circled the bars, cafes and lounges,” said Tim Llewellyn, a former BBC Middle East correspondent who covered the civil war. “On one occasion (late Palestinian leader) Yasser Arafat himself dropped in to sip coffee with” with the hotel manager’s father, he recalled.
A line to the outside world
At the height of the civil war, when telecommunications were dysfunctional and much of Beirut was cut off from the outside world, it was at the Commodore where journalists found land lines and Telex machines that always worked to send reports to their media organizations around the globe.
Across the front office desk in the wide lobby of the Commodore, there were two teleprinters that carried reports of The Associated Press and Reuters news agencies.
“The Commodore had a certain seedy charm. The rooms were basic, the mattresses lumpy and the meal fare wasn’t spectacular,” said Robert H. Reid, the AP’s former Middle East regional editor, who was among the AP journalists who covered the war. The hotel was across the street from the international agency’s Middle East head office at the time.
“The friendly staff and the camaraderie among the journalist-guests made the Commodore seem more like a social club where you could unwind after a day in one of the world’s most dangerous cities,” Reid said.
Llewellyn remembers that the hotel manager at the time, Yusuf Nazzal, told him in the late 1970s “that it was I who had given him the idea” to open such a hotel in a war zone.
Llewellyn said that during a long chat with Nazzal on a near-empty Middle East Airlines Jumbo flight from London to Beirut in the fall of 1975, he told him that there should be a hotel that would make sure journalists had good communications, “a street-wise and well-connected staff running the desks, the phones, the teletypes.”
During Israel’s 1982 invasion of Lebanon and a nearly three-month siege of West Beirut by Israeli troops, journalists used the roof of the hotel to film fighter jets striking the city.
The parrot at the bar
One of the best-known characters at the Commodore was Coco the parrot, who was always in a cage near the bar. Patrons were often startled by what they thought was the whiz of an incoming shell, only to discover that it was Coco who made the sound.
AP’s chief Middle East correspondent Terry Anderson was a regular at the hotel before he was kidnapped in Beirut in 1985 and held for seven years, becoming one of the longest-held American hostages in history.
Videos of Anderson released by his kidnappers later showed him wearing a white T-shirt with the words “Hotel Commodore Lebanon.”
With the kidnapping of Anderson and other Western journalists, many foreign media workers left the predominantly-Muslim western part of Beirut, and after that the hotel lost its status as a safe haven for foreign journalists.
Ahmad Shbaro, who worked at different departments of the hotel until 1988, said the main reason behind the Commodore’s success was the presence of armed guards that made journalists feel secure in the middle of Beirut’s chaos as well as functioning telecommunications.
He added that the hotel also offered financial facilities for journalists who ran out of money. They would borrow money from Nazzal and their companies could pay him back by depositing money in his bank account in London.
Shbaro remembers a terrifying day in the late 1970s when the area of the hotel was heavily shelled and two rooms at the Commodore were hit.
“The hotel was full and all of us, staffers and journalists, spent the night at Le Casbah,” a famous nightclub in the basement of the building, he said.
In quieter times, journalists used to spend the night partying by the pool.
“It was a lifeline for the international media in West Beirut, where journalists filed, ate, drank, slept, and hid from air raids, shelling, and other violence,” said former AP correspondent Scheherezade Faramarzi. “It gained both fame and notoriety,” she said, speaking from the Mediterranean island of Cyprus.
The hotel was built in 1943 and kept functioning until 1987 when it was heavily damaged in fighting between Shiite and Druze militiamen at the time. The old Commodore building was later demolished and a new structure was build with an annex and officially opened again for the public in 1996.
But Coco the parrot was no longer at the bar. The bird went missing during the 1987 fighting. Shbaro said it is believed he was taken by one of the gunmen who stormed the hotel.