Old India-Pakistan rivalry drives South Asia diplomatic reshuffle

Pakistani Rangers (wearing black uniforms) and Indian Border Security Force officers lower their national flags at the Pakistan-India joint check-post at Wagah border, near Lahore, Pakistan, on August 14, 2018. (REUTERS/ File)
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Updated 01 February 2025
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Old India-Pakistan rivalry drives South Asia diplomatic reshuffle

  • New Delhi is courting Afghanistan’s Taliban while Islamabad befriends new leaders of post-revolutionary Bangladesh
  • Relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan have also worsened since Taliban returned to power in Kabul nearly four years ago

NEW DELHI: Old rivalries between India and Pakistan are driving a shift in regional ties, with New Delhi courting Afghanistan’s Taliban while Islamabad befriends the new leaders of post-revolutionary Bangladesh.

Diplomatic dynamics in South Asia are rooted in long-running distrust between the region’s two most populous nations.

Nuclear-armed India and Pakistan — carved out of the subcontinent at the chaotic end of British colonial rule in 1947 — have fought multiple wars and remain bitter foes.

The rivalry shows no sign of abating, with New Delhi denying in January it had launched covert operations to kill anti-Indian militants on Pakistani soil.

“You can’t have snakes in your backyard and expect them to only bite your neighbors,” Indian Foreign Ministry spokesman Randhir Jaiswal told reporters in dismissing the allegations.

Relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan have also worsened since the Taliban returned to power in Kabul nearly four years ago.

Islamabad has accused Taliban authorities of failing to rein in militants they say are using Afghan territory to stage attacks that have killed thousands of Pakistani security personnel.

Pakistan launched deadly air strikes in Afghanistan border regions in December, with subsequent cross-border exchanges of fire.

The Taliban’s austere interpretation of Islamic law seems at first glance an unlikely pairing for the Hindu nationalism of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, but India has nonetheless moved to exploit the opportunity.

“India has been pursuing this path quite consistently for quite some time,” international relations professor Hassan Abbas of the National Defense University in Washington told AFP.

“They don’t want the Taliban to give space to any group that is going to ultimately be a bigger threat to India,” he said, adding that the prospect of “annoying Pakistan” was also appealing for New Delhi.

India’s top career diplomat, Vikram Misri, met with Taliban foreign minister Mawlawi Amir Khan Muttaqi in Dubai in January.

Jaiswal described the meeting as the “highest level of engagement” yet, adding that New Delhi was determined to “strengthen our longstanding relationship with the people of Afghanistan.”

Muttaqi had in turn “expressed his hope for the expansion of relations,” a spokesman for his ministry said.

Jaiswal said it was agreed at the meeting to “promote the use” of India’s $370 million development of Iran’s Chabahar container port “for supporting trade and commercial activities” to landlocked Afghanistan.

Chabahar is just west of Pakistan’s Gwadar port, which is considered a cornerstone of the infrastructure expansion of China’s Belt and Road Initiative in Pakistan.

India has long been wary of China’s growing regional clout and the world’s two most populous countries compete for influence in South Asia, despite a recent diplomatic thaw.

The Times of India said in an editorial after the Dubai meeting that New Delhi’s “quiet yet deliberate engagement” with the Taliban was reshaping strategic regional ties.

“Despite not officially recognizing the Taliban government, India understands the importance of maintaining a foothold in Afghanistan,” the newspaper wrote.

“The move also aligns with India’s broader regional strategy, which seeks to counter China’s Belt and Road Initiative and its influence in neighboring Pakistan,” it said.

At the same time, old enemies Pakistan and Bangladesh now speak of “friendly” ties.

Pakistan and Bangladesh were once one nation but split in a brutal 1971 war, with Bangladesh then drawing closer to India.

However, long-time Bangladeshi premier Sheikh Hasina was ousted in an August 2024 revolution, fleeing by helicopter to her old ally India, where she has defied Dhaka’s extradition requests to face charges including mass murder.

Relations between India and Bangladesh’s new government have been frosty since then, allowing Islamabad and Dhaka to slowly rebuild ties.

The first cargo ship in decades to sail directly from Pakistan to Bangladesh successfully unloaded its containers in the port of Chittagong in November.

Bangladesh’s interim leader Muhammad Yunus also met with Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif in December, saying he had “agreed to strengthen relations.”

Top Bangladeshi army commanders later visited Pakistan, discussing training programs and praising the “friendly relationship” between the nations.

Dhaka University professor Amena Mohsin told AFP that the sudden closeness reflected one of the oldest dictums in international diplomacy.

“The enemy of my enemy is my friend,” she said.


Separated twice: An Afghan man’s life in Pakistan and the fear of losing home again

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Separated twice: An Afghan man’s life in Pakistan and the fear of losing home again

  • Lost as a child in Peshawar, Mohammad Rahim Khan built a life in Pakistan but remains undocumented
  • Deportation drive of ‘illegal’ foreigners exposes legal gaps around adoption, marriage, refugee status

ISLAMABAD: Mohammad Rahim Khan was five years old when he last saw his mother.

It was at the Hajji Camp bus stop in Pakistan’s northwestern city of Peshawar, more than four decades ago. His mother, an Afghan refugee fleeing war, had brought him across the Tari Mangal border in Kurram district and into Pakistan. While waiting at the crowded terminal, Khan wandered to a nearby toy shop. When he returned, she was gone.

He searched for her for two days. She never came back.

A local shopkeeper, Ali Muhammad, took pity on the child and brought him home, promising to help find his family. The temporary shelter became permanent. Khan grew up in Pakistan, adopted informally into the household, and never returned to Afghanistan.

Now 45, he lives on the outskirts of Islamabad in a modest two-room house, working as a daily wage laborer. But a nationwide deportation drive launched by Pakistan in 2023 has placed his entire life under threat.

Since November 2023, authorities have deported nearly 2 million Afghan nationals, targeting those without legal documentation. Khan, who has remained undocumented throughout his adult life, fears he may soon be among them.

“I spoke to my lawyer that I am very worried,” Khan told Arab News. “I love Pakistan.”

A FAMILY WITHOUT PAPERS

Ali Muhammad later married Khan to his daughter, Gul Mina. Together, they have six children, four daughters and two sons. Yet despite decades in Pakistan, Khan’s Afghan nationality continues to shadow the family.

Khan never held an Afghan refugee card, Afghan Citizen Card (ACC), Proof of Registration (POR), or any other formal documentation. His family assumed for decades that his informal adoption, marriage to a Pakistani citizen, and long residence would provide sufficient legal standing. They only sought legal advice when the deportation drive began threatening separation.

Without a Pakistani national identity card, his children cannot obtain Form-B, the birth registration document required for school enrolment.

“They [children] are told to get a Form-B,” Gul Mina told Arab News. “Otherwise, they will not go to school.”

Three of their daughters were forced to leave school after eighth grade.

Healthcare has also been affected. When Khan’s 13-year-old son, Ehsanullah, fractured his arm, a public hospital refused to issue a registration card without identity documents.

“Then I went to a [private clinic] in Chak Shahzad and got my treatment there,” Khan said.

The family has petitioned the Islamabad High Court to block his deportation. Lawyers say the case highlights how thousands of long-term residents fall through legal cracks created by Pakistan’s citizenship, refugee and documentation framework.

LEGAL GREY ZONE

Pakistan does not legally recognize Western-style adoption. Instead, it uses a guardianship system under the 1890 Guardians and Wards Act, aligning with Islamic principles that preserve lineage, so adopted children don’t inherit or change their family name but receive care, education and welfare through court-appointed guardianship.

“Because we don’t have a legal pathway for adoption per se, the adopted child does not get citizenship of the adopting parents automatically,” said Advocate Umer Ijaz Gillani, a legal expert on citizenship.

Years earlier, Khan’s father-in-law had offered to register him as his biological son to obtain identity documents, but Khan refused, calling the move fraudulent. Because Khan later married his father-in-law’s daughter, both he and his wife cannot legally list the same person as their father on official records, leaving them without a lawful workaround.

Marriage offers no certainty either. Pakistan’s Citizenship Act of 1951 grants citizenship to foreign women married to Pakistani men, but is silent on foreign husbands married to Pakistani women.

While higher courts have, at times, ruled in favor of such men, implementation has been inconsistent. In October 2025, the Supreme Court struck down a high court order that had directed authorities to grant citizenship to an Afghan man married to a Pakistani woman.

Even the Pakistan Origin Card (POC), a long-term residency document, remains difficult to secure.

“We have experienced that in the case of especially Afghan men who marry Pakistani women, the government authorities are often reluctant to recognize this right,” Gillani said.

According to submissions made by government officials in court, authorities have received at least 117 applications for nationality from Afghan men married to Pakistani women following directives issued by the Peshawar High Court, reflecting a broader pattern rather than isolated cases.

‘NO RELAXATION’

Officials say the deportation policy allows no exceptions.

“No relaxation has been granted by the government, including for those who’ve married to Pakistani citizens,” said Asmatullah Shah, the chief commissionerate for Afghan refugees.

“If they want to live here, they should go back and apply for a visa and then they can come here with valid documentation.”

Legal experts note that deportation would send Khan to Afghanistan despite having no known relatives there, and that returning legally would require obtaining an Afghan passport and a Pakistani visa, costs far beyond the means of a daily wage laborer.

For Khan’s mother-in-law, Husn Pari, who raised him for decades as her own son, the prospect is devastating.

“When I am not able to meet [Khan] for one day, my day does not pass,” she said. “His own mother, how much pain must she be in?”

For Khan, the fear of deportation echoes the trauma of his childhood.

“Before I was separated from my first mother,” he said. “The second time I will be separated from my second mother. This is very difficult for me.”