Sudan conflict puts Darfur’s history of ethnic bloodletting on rewind

1 / 2
Chadian cart owners transport belongings of Sudanese people who fled the conflict in Sudan's Darfur region, while crossing the border between Sudan and Chad in Adre, Chad, on August 4, 2023. (REUTERS/File Photo)
2 / 2
Chadian cart owners transport belongings of Sudanese people who fled the conflict in Sudan's Darfur region, while crossing the border between Sudan and Chad in Adre, Chad, on August 4, 2023. (REUTERS/File Photo)
Short Url
Updated 16 September 2023
Follow

Sudan conflict puts Darfur’s history of ethnic bloodletting on rewind

  • The UN has received credible reports of at least 13 mass graves in El-Geneina and its surrounding areas
  • UN officials sound the alarm over“identity-based attacks,” with civilians “targeted on the basis of race”

NAIROBI, Kenya: Darfur, a part of Sudan that is no stranger to ethnic violence and genocide, is once again making similar headlines, following the discovery of mass graves amid a prolonged power struggle between two Sudanese generals that has reduced entire cities to rubble and triggered a humanitarian crisis of epic proportions.

The UN Joint Human Rights office said it has received credible reports of at least 13 mass graves in the city of El-Geneina and the surrounding areas, the head of the UN’s Sudan mission said on Wednesday.

The graves are believed to contain the bodies of victims of attacks by the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces and allied Arab militias on civilians, the majority of whom were from the Masalit community, Volker Perthes told the UN Security Council.




People place bodies into a mass grave in Nyala, Sudan, on August 23, 2023, in the aftermath of a strike near a bridge that killed dozens of people. (Handout via REUTERS)

This latest bout of bloodletting is partly the result of political rivalries compounded by simmering racial tensions. Darfur first gained international notoriety in the early 2000s when ethnic cleansing, economic disparities, and competition for resources sparked a conflict between the Arab-dominated government and non-Arab rebel groups.

Between 2003 and 2005, tens of thousands of civilians in Darfur were systematically killed, marking the first genocide of the 21st century. There are fears that the current conflict, between the RSF and the Sudanese Armed Forces, which is entering its sixth month, could reach similar levels of brutality.




A man stands by as a fire rages in a livestock market area in al-Fasher, the capital of Sudan's North Darfur state, on September 1, 2023, in the aftermath of bombardment by the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces. (AFP)

“These tensions have been exacerbated by factors such as desertification, political instability since Sudan’s independence, economic stagnation, the proliferation of arms from internal and external conflicts, proxy-led battles, and international polarization,” Ahmed Khair, a researcher at the Sudan Research and Consultancy Group, told Arab News.

While the root causes of conflict remain unchanged, the allegiances of the warring parties have steadily shifted.

“New political parties, actors, coalitions, and even a transformation of existing political entities, have emerged, adapting to the ever-shifting political dynamics,” said Khair.

Prominent examples of these groups are the Justice and Equality Movement, the Sudan Liberation Movement-Minni Minnawi, and the Sudan Liberation Movement Abdel Wahid.




Fighters of the Sudan Liberation Movement-Minni Minnawi ride in vehicles moving in a convoy accompanying the governor of Sudan's Darfur State during a stopover in the eastern city of Gedaref while on the way to Port Sudan on August 30, 2023. (AFP)

According to Khair, they are all motivated by the prospect of “empowering their regions and the citizens living there.”

The current crisis in Sudan began on April 15 when a long-running power struggle between the SAF and the RSF escalated into violence, much of which has been focused around Darfur and the capital, Khartoum. About 4 million people have been internally displaced by the conflict and a further 1.1 million have fled to neighboring countries, primarily Chad and Egypt.

In Darfur, the conflict has taken on an appearance that is both different from previous hostilities yet at the same time all-too familiar, with the RSF and allied militias targeting specific ethno-linguistic groups.

The western region of Darfur, an area about the size of France and home to a quarter of Sudan’s population, had already seen some of the worst unrest during the conflict before the violence further intensified last month. More than 50,000 people fled the city in the space of 10 days in August, according to the UN.




A picture taken on June 16, 2023, shows bodies strewn outdoors near houses in the West Darfur state capital El Geneina, prompting warnings that the conflict between two generals in war-torn Sudan had “taken on an ethnic dimension, resulting in targeted attacks based on people’s identities and subsequent displacement of communities”. (AFP)

Alice Wairimu Nderitu, the UN’s special adviser on the prevention of genocide, sounded the alarm over the increased incidence of “identity-based attacks,” warning that civilians “are being targeted on the basis of race” in Darfur.

Perthes, who this week announced he will step down from his role as head of the UN mission to Sudan, told the UN Security Council on Wednesday, during his final briefing, that the conflict in the country is likely to escalate.

Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan, the head of the SAF and Sudan’s de facto ruler, has repeatedly accused the UN envoy of bias toward the RSF, and Perthes has been persona non grata since he denounced possible “crimes against humanity” in Darfur.




Sudanese Armed Forces chief General Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan greets supporters as tours a neighborhood in Port Sudan (Sudanese Army photo/AFP)

The Sudanese government repeatedly called for him to be dismissed from his role but UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres had reiterated his support for the envoy. On Wednesday, however, Guterres accepted the resignation of Perthes, saying that the envoy “has very strong reasons” for stepping down.

“I am grateful to the secretary-general for that opportunity and for his confidence in me but I have asked him to relieve me of this duty,” Perthes said, as he warned that the conflict “could be morphing into a full-scale civil war.”

He added that the warring sides “cannot operate with impunity and there will be accountability for the crimes committed.”

In early September, the US imposed sanctions on Abdelrahim Hamdan Dagalo, the brother of RSF chief Mohammed Hamdan “Hemedti” Dagalo, over “the massacre of civilians, ethnic killings, and use of sexual violence.”




An image grab taken from a handout video posted on the Sudanese paramilitary Rapid Support Forces page on Twitter, rebranded as X, on July 28, 2023 shows its commander Mohamed Hamdan Daglo addressing RSF fighters at an undisclosed location. (Rapid Support Forces photo/AFP)

In South Darfur, a region historically associated with RSF influence, the feuding factions are locked in a fierce struggle for control of the country. While the RSF and its allied Arab militias hold sway over much of South Darfur’s capital, Nyala, the SAF is relying on its artillery and air force to assert its presence in an area that had long been neglected.

Civilians, and the aid workers trying to assist them, have found themselves caught in the crossfire. Sixty were killed and 285 wounded during 12 days of intense fighting in Nyala alone on August 22, according to a recent report by local monitoring group the Darfur Cinema Center. And an air raid on Wednesday killed at least 40 civilians, a medical source told the Agence France-Presse news agency.

On Aug. 21, the SAF reportedly shelled a market in Nyala, killing 24 civilians. The SAF denies being responsible for that incident but residents said they suspect the presence of RSF fighters nearby was the reason for the fatal bombardment.

A similarly harrowing incident occurred two days later when about 30 civilians, most of them women and children, were caught in the crossfire between the RSF and SAF.




Bodies of civilians were buried in mass graves by local residents in Nyala, Darfur. (Supplied)

According to locals and observers who spoke to Arab News, the actual death tolls resulting from incidents such as these are likely much higher than the reported figures.

The conflict has disrupted communications infrastructure in the region, which is making it difficult for medics to accurately record deaths. In many cases, grieving families have no choice but to bury their dead without officially registering their deaths.

Services at hospitals and clinics in conflict zone have also been affected. Rescue operations have been hampered by the closure of medical facilities, and healthcare workers are at constant risk of being targeted by the warring factions, in breach of international humanitarian law.

The fighting has also disrupted food supplies and “food scarcity is a pressing concern across Darfur, further exacerbating the humanitarian crisis,” William Carter, the country director for Sudan at the Norwegian Refugee Council, told Arab News.

“It’s all very difficult and complex; the safety situation but also logistics, getting across borders from eastern Chad, through the rainy season across huge distances,” he added. “This is one of the most critical areas of the country to make sure a response gets to.”

 

 

The scarcity of food and safe drinking water often forces civilians to take extreme risks, placing themselves in the line of fire as they search for supplies.

“The situation is urgent,” Mohammed Adam Hassan, executive director of the Darfur Network for Human Rights, told Arab News. “We, as human rights organizations, continue to document civilian casualties, property destruction and widespread suffering.”

He called on the international community to intervene in the conflict and speed up the humanitarian response.

“The sanctions are a step in the right direction but more must be done to address the complex crisis on the ground,” he added. “Such an intervention should prioritize the protection of civilians and the creation of safe zones and humanitarian corridors to facilitate aid delivery.”

 

 

Khair, the researcher with the Sudan Research and Consultancy Group, agreed about the urgent need for urgent external intervention, but added that efforts need to align with the political realities on the ground.

“While coordination in areas controlled by the Sudanese government continues through established mechanisms, challenges arise in areas controlled by armed movements like the RSF,” he said.

Khair identified Minni Arko Minnawi, Darfur’s governor, as a potentially pivotal figure in this process, in light of the fact he has tacit approval from key parties.

“To bridge this gap, initiating dialogue and creating emergency coordination structures must happen,” Khair added.




Minni Minnawi (C), governor of Sudan's Darfur State, is greeted by locals during a stopover in the eastern city of Gedaref while on his way to Port Sudan on August 30, 2023. (AFP)

Efforts to address the crisis through regional diplomatic channels, such as the African Union and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, have faced serious obstacles. Al-Burhan has threatened to withdraw Sudan from organizations that continue to communicate with representatives of the RSF.

Washington’s recent announcement of sanctions on RSF leader Dagalo might suggest the US is taking a side in the conflict but it could simply be a move designed to coax the warring parties back to the negotiating table in Jeddah.

Regardless of the measures taken so far, Hassan said that “accountability and justice are of the highest importance,” and that thorough investigations by organizations such as the International Criminal Court will ultimately be required to ensure the perpetrators of abuses are held to account.

 


Beirut’s Commodore Hotel, a haven for journalists during Lebanon’s civil war, shuts down

Updated 6 sec ago
Follow

Beirut’s Commodore Hotel, a haven for journalists during Lebanon’s civil war, shuts down

  • The hotel, located in Beirut’s Hamra district, shut down over the weekend
  • Officials have not commented on the decision
BEIRUT: During Lebanon’s civil war, the Commodore Hotel in western Beirut’s Hamra district became iconic among the foreign press corps.
For many, it served as an unofficial newsroom where they could file dispatches even when communications systems were down elsewhere. Armed guards at the door provided some sense of protection as sniper fights and shelling were turning the cosmopolitan city to rubble.
The hotel even had its own much-loved mascot: a cheeky parrot at the bar.
The Commodore endured for decades after the 15-year civil war ended in 1990 — until this week, when it closed for good.
The main gate of the nine-story hotel with more than 200 rooms was shuttered Monday. Officials at the Commodore refused to speak to the media about the decision to close.
Although the country’s economy is beginning to recover from a protracted financial crisis that began in 2019, tensions in the region and the aftermath of the Israel-Hezbollah war that was halted by a tenuous ceasefire in November 2024 are keeping many tourists away. Lengthy daily electricity cuts force businesses to rely on expensive private generators.
The Commodore is not the first of the crisis-battered country’s once-bustling hotels to shut down in recent years.
But for journalists who lived, worked and filed their dispatches there, its demise hits particularly hard.
“The Commodore was a hub of information — various guerrilla leaders, diplomats, spies and of course scores of journalists circled the bars, cafes and lounges,” said Tim Llewellyn, a former BBC Middle East correspondent who covered the civil war. “On one occasion (late Palestinian leader) Yasser Arafat himself dropped in to sip coffee with” with the hotel manager’s father, he recalled.
A line to the outside world
At the height of the civil war, when telecommunications were dysfunctional and much of Beirut was cut off from the outside world, it was at the Commodore where journalists found land lines and Telex machines that always worked to send reports to their media organizations around the globe.
Across the front office desk in the wide lobby of the Commodore, there were two teleprinters that carried reports of The Associated Press and Reuters news agencies.
“The Commodore had a certain seedy charm. The rooms were basic, the mattresses lumpy and the meal fare wasn’t spectacular,” said Robert H. Reid, the AP’s former Middle East regional editor, who was among the AP journalists who covered the war. The hotel was across the street from the international agency’s Middle East head office at the time.
“The friendly staff and the camaraderie among the journalist-guests made the Commodore seem more like a social club where you could unwind after a day in one of the world’s most dangerous cities,” Reid said.
Llewellyn remembers that the hotel manager at the time, Yusuf Nazzal, told him in the late 1970s “that it was I who had given him the idea” to open such a hotel in a war zone.
Llewellyn said that during a long chat with Nazzal on a near-empty Middle East Airlines Jumbo flight from London to Beirut in the fall of 1975, he told him that there should be a hotel that would make sure journalists had good communications, “a street-wise and well-connected staff running the desks, the phones, the teletypes.”
During Israel’s 1982 invasion of Lebanon and a nearly three-month siege of West Beirut by Israeli troops, journalists used the roof of the hotel to film fighter jets striking the city.
The parrot at the bar
One of the best-known characters at the Commodore was Coco the parrot, who was always in a cage near the bar. Patrons were often startled by what they thought was the whiz of an incoming shell, only to discover that it was Coco who made the sound.
AP’s chief Middle East correspondent Terry Anderson was a regular at the hotel before he was kidnapped in Beirut in 1985 and held for seven years, becoming one of the longest-held American hostages in history.
Videos of Anderson released by his kidnappers later showed him wearing a white T-shirt with the words “Hotel Commodore Lebanon.”
With the kidnapping of Anderson and other Western journalists, many foreign media workers left the predominantly-Muslim western part of Beirut, and after that the hotel lost its status as a safe haven for foreign journalists.
Ahmad Shbaro, who worked at different departments of the hotel until 1988, said the main reason behind the Commodore’s success was the presence of armed guards that made journalists feel secure in the middle of Beirut’s chaos as well as functioning telecommunications.
He added that the hotel also offered financial facilities for journalists who ran out of money. They would borrow money from Nazzal and their companies could pay him back by depositing money in his bank account in London.
Shbaro remembers a terrifying day in the late 1970s when the area of the hotel was heavily shelled and two rooms at the Commodore were hit.
“The hotel was full and all of us, staffers and journalists, spent the night at Le Casbah,” a famous nightclub in the basement of the building, he said.
In quieter times, journalists used to spend the night partying by the pool.
“It was a lifeline for the international media in West Beirut, where journalists filed, ate, drank, slept, and hid from air raids, shelling, and other violence,” said former AP correspondent Scheherezade Faramarzi. “It gained both fame and notoriety,” she said, speaking from the Mediterranean island of Cyprus.
The hotel was built in 1943 and kept functioning until 1987 when it was heavily damaged in fighting between Shiite and Druze militiamen at the time. The old Commodore building was later demolished and a new structure was build with an annex and officially opened again for the public in 1996.
But Coco the parrot was no longer at the bar. The bird went missing during the 1987 fighting. Shbaro said it is believed he was taken by one of the gunmen who stormed the hotel.