Syrian child refugees in Turkey: A decade in limbo

As the 10th anniversary of the Syrian civil war approaches, many refugee children who fled to neighboring Turkey still face hardship. (Reuters/File Photo)
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Updated 12 March 2021
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Syrian child refugees in Turkey: A decade in limbo

  • Poor attendance rates in schools and lack of funding for families raise concerns over child labor 

ANKARA: Four-year-old Fatma is the Turkey-born child of Syrian refugees from Damascus, who fled the civil war to start a new life in Istanbul.

Fatma speaks fluent Turkish and is encouraged by her parents to memorize some Arabic words too, to maintain her bond with Syria. They have used much of their money to ensure she can attend a decent kindergarten, but say they have heard stories from other Syrians whose children no longer wish to attend school because of the xenophobia they have faced.

As the 10th anniversary of the Syrian civil war approaches, many refugee children who fled to neighboring Turkey still face hardship. Greater efforts need to be made to ensure they do not become another lost generation.

Since the beginning of the Syrian civil war, around 6.6 million people have been forced to flee the country and another 6.1 million are internally displaced.

On March 18, 2016, the EU and Turkey agreed on a controversial refugee deal to restrict the influx of refugees into Europe in return for an aid package worth $6.7 billion and various other political benefits for Ankara. That deal is expected to be renewed soon but the parties face challenges in finding consensus over the updated terms.

Turkey currently hosts some 3.7 million Syrian refugees, 46 percent of whom are children. Nearly 1.2 million of them are of school age, while around 500,000 are aged five or below.

Those who are enrolled in Turkish schools are — for the most part — making their best efforts to assimilate into society, but many still face discrimination from their peers and from other students’ families. That is likely one of the reasons why around 35 percent of Syrian children in Turkey do not attend school.

In 2019, 720,000 Syrian children were working in dangerous sectors such as construction, furniture and textile, according to official figures. Several of them died in fires at factories, and many were suffering from health conditions related to their work.

“Especially (once they’re over) the age of 12, Syrian refugee families in Turkey prefer that their children work and contribute to the (family’s income),” Murat Erdogan, a professor at the Turkish-German University in Istanbul, told Arab News.

According to a report released on Tuesday by Save the Children — which surveyed Syrian refugee children in Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey and the Netherlands — school enrolment at primary level has decreased by around 10 percent since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Roughly 64 percent of Syrian families living in urban households in Turkey live close to or below the poverty line, but only three percent of the children surveyed in Turkey said they would want to return to Syria, the same report noted.

Prof. Erdogan says that the pandemic hit Syrian refugee children in Turkey hard, since they not only lost their human interaction with their teachers, but many do not have the necessary equipment to access remote learning.

“Each refugee student costs the Turkish education system about $1,000. Around 1,500 new schools need to be constructed and 60,000 new teachers employed to (cover) all the Syrian refugee children in Turkey. First of all, Turkey should overcome its capacity problem. Otherwise, a lost generation is very likely,” he said.

Syrians in Turkey who have not been granted citizenship are classified as having “temporary protection” status. This ambiguous label often prevents them from joining the labor force or accessing other support systems, and many live in constant fear of forced deportation or arrest if Ankara becomes involved in a dispute with the Syrian regime or the European Union.

In 2019, Turkish police conducted several operations targeting undocumented migrants and refugees in Istanbul and transferred those without the necessary papers to temporary refugee camps or to the cities in which they were originally registered.

According to Omar Kadkoy, a migration policy analyst at Ankara-based think tank TEPAV, there are several interconnected hurdles to overcome in order to ensure that Syrian children are no longer forced to work and can continue their education.

“The first is the informal nature of Syrian employment in Turkey’s labor market: while 800,000 to a million Syrians are estimated to work, only around 64,000 of them have work permits. Working informally is associated with exploitation, which hampers (the workers’ chances of) financial security,” he told Arab News. The answer, he suggested, it to change Turkey’s work-permit regulations so that greater responsibility and culpability falls on employers.

Furthermore, Kadkoy noted, many Syrian refugee parents struggle to ensure their children's attendance at school, and children will often be put to work so their families can make ends meet.

“The second issue is the inadequacy of the Conditional Cash Transfers for Education (CCTE) program,” he said. CCTE is the largest EU-funded humanitarian education program and provides financial support to Syrian families whose children attend school on a regular basis. Kadkoy said that further funding needs to be found if the threat of a lost generation is to be contained.


Syrian Alawites protest in coastal heartland after mosque bombing

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Syrian Alawites protest in coastal heartland after mosque bombing

  • Syrian Alawites took to the streets on Sunday in the coastal city of Latakia to protest after a mosque bombing that killed eight people in Homs two days before
LATAKIA: Syrian Alawites took to the streets on Sunday in the coastal city of Latakia to protest after a mosque bombing that killed eight people in Homs two days before.
The attack, which took place in an Alawite area of Homs city, was the latest against the religious minority, which has been the target of several episodes of violence since the December 2024 fall of longtime ruler Bashar Assad, himself an Alawite.
Security forces were deployed in the area, and intervened to break up clashes between demonstrators and counter-protesters, an AFP correspondent witnessed.
“Why the killing? Why the assassination? Why the kidnapping? Why these random actions without any deterrent, accountability or oversight?” said protester Numeir Ramadan, a 48-year-old trader.
“Assad is gone, and we do not support Assad... Why this killing?“
Sunday’s demonstration came after calls from prominent spiritual leader Ghazal Ghazal, head of the Islamic Alawite Council in Syria and Abroad, who on Saturday urged people to “show the world that the Alawite community cannot be humiliated or marginalized.”
“We do not want a civil war, we want political federalism. We do not want your terrorism. We want to determine our own destiny,” he said in a video message on Facebook.
Protesters carried pictures of Ghazal along with banners expressing support for him, while chanting calls for decentralized government authority and a degree of regional autonomy.
“Our first demand is federalism to stop the bloodshed, because Alawite blood is not cheap, and Syrian blood in general is not cheap. We are being killed because we are Alawites,” Hadil Salha, a 40-year-old housewife said.
Most Syrians are Sunni Muslim, and the city of Homs — where Friday’s bombing took place — is home to a Sunni majority but also has several areas that are predominantly Alawite, a community whose faith stems from Shiite Islam.
The community is otherwise mostly present across their coastal heartland in Latakia and Tartus provinces.
Since Assad’s fall, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights monitor and Homs province residents have reported kidnappings and killings targeting members of the minority community.

- Alawite massacres -

The country has also seen several bloody flare-ups of sectarian violence.
Syria’s coastal areas saw the massacre of Alawite civilians in March, with authorities accusing armed Assad supporters of sparking the violence by attacking security forces.
A national commission of inquiry said at least 1,426 members of the minority were killed, while the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights monitor put the toll at more than 1,700.
Late last month, thousands of people demonstrated on the coast to protest fresh attacks targeting Alawites in Homs and other regions.
Before and after the March bloodshed, authorities carried out a massive arrest campaign in predominantly Alawite areas, which are also former Assad strongholds.
Protesters on Sunday also demanded the release of detainees.
On Friday, Syrian state television reported the release of 70 detainees in Latakia “after it was proven that they were not involved in war crimes,” saying more releases would follow.
Despite assurances from Damascus that all Syria’s communities will be protected, the country’s minorities remain wary of their future under the new Islamist authorities, who have so far rejected calls for federalism.