A sewing workshop churns out life-saving suits in coronavirus-stricken Lebanon

It was established in 1994 to manufacture fashion items, embroidery and linen, but today Machghal El Oum is dedicated to the production of protective suits to counter the coronavirus threat. (Supplied)
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Updated 12 August 2020
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A sewing workshop churns out life-saving suits in coronavirus-stricken Lebanon

  • Women at a sewing workshop in Saida called Machghal El Oum are doing their bit to stop the spread of the virus
  • Around 20 women are producing 400 protective suits a day, each requiring 15 to 20 minutes to sew

BEIRUT: In the time of the coronavirus when most people were asked not to leave their houses and to work from home, some women in Lebanon’s Saida region chose to make protective suits at Machghal El Oum.

The workshop was established in 1994 to manufacture fashion items, embroidery and linen, but today Machghal El Oum is dedicated to the production of protective suits to counter the coronavirus threat.

The women who work there are doing a public service by helping the factory to cope with the surging demand for face masks in Lebanon.

“The idea was born with the spread of the coronavirus disease in Lebanon and the dire lack of supplies in the markets,” said Wafa Wehbe, manager of Machghal El Oum.

“We felt the need to help Lebanese society, especially after the closure of borders and airports and, consequently, the cessation of import of protective suits,” she said.

Research and many experiments have been conducted by Machghal El Oum in cooperation with engineers and specialists to discover the best type of fabric to prevents liquids and any kind of spray from reaching the wearer’s skin.

The fabric — such as titanium TNT, which blocks external elements — must also be available in the Lebanese market.

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READ MORE: A Tunisian apparel-retail entrepreneur rides the e-commerce wave

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That is how about 20 women started working at Machghal El Oum, producing 400 protective suits a day, each requiring 15 to 20 minutes to sew.

There is an increasing demand for the suits, according to Wehbe, who adds that Machghal El Oum is currently cooperating with the Lebanese Red Cross and the World Health Organization.

Ghassan Hanqir, the director of public relations at the Islamic Welfare Association (which established the workshop), said that hospitals, pharmacists, relief agencies and restaurants placed orders for hundreds of suits daily.

He said that the price of a suit was symbolic and not for profit, but enough to purchase the required materials and pay the workers’ salaries.

The women at the workshop are from the marginalized and economically disadvantaged sections of Lebanese society.

When the workshop was founded 25 years ago, an applicant’s socio-economic status was used as the main criterion for hiring, Wehbe said.

“We provide work for women in need, who are divorced, widowed or refugees. Each year, we offer them six-month sewing courses, at the end of which we provide them with sewing machines.

“The highly qualified women are offered jobs in our workshop.”

FASTFACT

20

Number of women who started working at Machghal El Oum, producing 400 protective suits per day.

These women, in spite of their difficult circumstances, or perhaps because of them, did not seek to opt out during the coronavirus crisis.

They decided to put in hard work to meet the increasing demand for protective suits and items such as plastic masks and shoes, according to Wehbe.

She said that the management of Machghal El Oum took the safety of the women employees very seriously.

We felt the need to help Lebanese society, especially after the closure of borders and airports and, consequently, the cessation of import of protective suits.

Wafa Wehbe, manager of Machghal El Oum

There are currently 20 women working at a time, rotating based on a two-hour shift.

“We do not know whether or not we will increase the number,” she said. “We are working in a daily state of emergency that may change at any time.”

Wehbe said that the workshop was continuously sterilized; masks and gloves are provided; and temperature checks are carried out when the women arrive at the premises for work.

The seating arrangement is set up so the women are able to maintain a safe social distance.

Dr. Kamel Kuzbar, the Saida Municipality member responsible for tackling the coronavirus situation, praised and encouraged the women working at Machghal El Oum.

He said that the initiative aimed to address the problem of the lack of protective gear in the country.

Kuzbar said that the municipality cooperated fully with the workshop and other active institutions in its endeavor to take precautions and reduce the impact of the pandemic.

As well as cooperating with Machghal El Oum, he said, Saida Municipality was working to provide guidance, instructions and sterilization to the community.

It was also imposing home quarantine and distributing sterilization materials, food and medicine in areas of need.

In making these protective suits, the women of Machghal El Oum are doing their part to serve their country and its people.

  • This report is being published by Arab News as a partner of the Middle East Exchange, which was launched by the Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum Global Initiatives to reflect the vision of the UAE prime minister and ruler of Dubai to explore the possibility of changing the status of the Arab region.


Can Israeli PM Netanyahu achieve his stated war objectives with Rafah assault?

Updated 11 sec ago
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Can Israeli PM Netanyahu achieve his stated war objectives with Rafah assault?

  • Despite claim there are four brigades in Rafah, it is unclear how many operational fighters Hamas still has
  • Some Israeli analysts say Israel needs to make Hamas ideologically and politically irrelevant, not do the opposite

LONDON: This week, before-and-after imagery released by US commercial satellite company Planet Labs showed the extent of the damage inflicted in just one day by Israeli forces on the outskirts of Rafah, close to the Egyptian border.

This is not the city of Rafah itself — yet. Awaiting a resolution of the political standoff between their government and the US, which has threatened to stop supplying ammunition if Israel invades Rafah, the 98th Airborne and the 162nd Armored divisions are massing to the south of the city.

In the satellite imagery captured on Tuesday, groups of tanks can be seen in the vicinity of the Rafah crossing, which Israeli troops occupied and closed on Monday, and grouped in several other strategic locations.

While they are waiting, however, they have been laying waste to much of the surrounding infrastructure and indulging in some symbolic wanton vandalism: in a video released on Tuesday a tank rolls over a “I love Gaza” sign near the crossing.

The contrast between the satellite images taken on Monday and Tuesday is striking. In the course of one day, hundreds of homes, commercial buildings, agricultural plots and other structures on dozens of sites either side of the Salah Al-Din highway were destroyed.

“This,” said a spokesman for the Israeli government on Tuesday, “is the beginning of our mission to take out the last four Hamas brigades in Rafah.”

But although Netanyahu has gambled his political future on two objectives tied to a continuation of the devastating and murderous assault on Gaza — the destruction of Hamas and the killing of its top commanders — after seven months of all-out warfare those objectives seem increasingly unattainable.

Despite the Israeli claim that there are four brigades in Rafah, it is unclear exactly how many operational fighters Hamas still has, or exactly where they are. It is also not clear if they have chosen, as some commentators have suggested, to make a “last stand” in Rafah, or even, after seven months of war, if they have the weapons and ammunition necessary to do so.

Even less certain is the location of Hamas military leader Yahya Sinwar, from whom nothing has been heard since the invasion of Gaza began.

Sinwar, Israel’s public enemy number one, has become a ghost, so much so that on Thursday US National Security Communications Adviser John Kirby made a public plea for him to “come clean about what his intentions are.”

Writing in The Spectator this week, Middle East analyst Jonathan Spyer suggested that, “contrary to what Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu might wish, Sinwar, his brother Mohammed, and the Hamas military leader Mohammed Deif are almost certainly not currently besieged in a bunker in Rafah, surrounded and obliged to either agree to the Egyptian (ceasefire) proposal or be crushed beneath the treads of the 98th and the 162nd.”

In fact, added Spyer, director of research at the Middle East Forum, “it is not even certain if the Hamas leaders and their hostages are even still in the Rafah area, or ... in some other part of the strip.”

Gaza, although barely larger than the small Mediterranean island of Malta, has nevertheless proved to be a frustrating landscape for Israeli operations.

On Thursday it emerged that even before the Oct. 7 attack, Israel had tried, and failed, to assassinate both Sinwar and Al-Deif, the commander-in-chief of Hamas’ Al-Qassam Brigades.

In remarks made to a Jewish organization in the US and broadcast on Israeli television’s Channel 12, Israel’s former military chief of staff Aviv Kochavi said a perceived “change with Hamas” in 2021 had led to the decision to try to kill the two men.

“We tried, and it’s hard,” he was reported as having said.

“In a densely populated, heavily built-up area it is very hard. So, we had been working for months in order to procure the operation but we couldn’t.”

Kochavi also added his voice to the growing chorus in Israel critical of Netanyahu’s increasingly unpopular determination to continue military operations in Gaza.

“I don’t think there is a way to bring back the hostages without halting for the time being the war,” he said. Furthermore, he added, “I don’t think we can achieve complete victory in months — forget it, it will take years.”

For the Netanyahu government, however, Rafah represents a stage for political theatre — a last opportunity to declare the war won and, in the process, to ensure Netanyahu has a political future.

“They're looking for a victory,” said Yossi Mekelberg, a professor of international relations and an associate fellow of the Middle East and North Africa Program at London-based policy institute Chatham House.

“They are looking for a photo op: ‘Here is his head, we’ve cut off the head of Hamas, now it’s all over’.”

Although the message from Biden “is very clear — for the United States to even suggest imposing an arms ban on Israel is a huge thing,” Netanyahu is also facing a potential internal revolt by his right-wing cabinet members, such as National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Givr and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, who oppose any ceasefire with Hamas.

Ultra-religious, “they are on a different planet,” said Mekelberg. “It’s not between them and other human beings, it's between them and God. And they are telling Netanyahu if he compromises too much with Hamas they will leave the government, and that there is no point in them staying in government if we don't enter Rafah.”

Whether they would find Sinwar there is anybody’s guess, says Gershon Baskin, a former adviser to Israeli, Palestinian and international prime ministers on the Middle East peace process.

“I'm sure that he's not just sitting and waiting,” he said. “He has certainly booby-trapped tunnels and bunkers in the whole area between Rafah and Khan Younis, and maybe they also have access to places north of there. We don’t know.”

But if Sinwar is in Rafah, “from my experience with the man there is no way he is going to surrender. He will fight to the death. I think that he believes that he will never survive this war. He’s not afraid of death. In fact, he believes that it’s his duty to become a martyr and he will try to kill as many Israelis along the way as possible.”

According to Baskin, an all-out ground attack on Rafah would be “catastrophic, for any hostages and the civilian population. There’s no doubt about it. I have heard there are about 40,000 people left in the quadrant that Israel said they wanted people to move out of, and you have another 1.2 million at least in the city of Rafah and its surroundings.”

Humanitarian considerations aside, Mekelberg believes that, even if Rafah is attacked and razed to the ground, Sinwar is killed and victory declared, assaulting the city would be a strategic mistake — and would not deliver the hoped-for existential blow to Hamas.

“The main threat to Israel from Hamas comes from its ideology and politics, not from its military,” he told Arab News.

“The military you can deal with. But the Israelis need to convince people that this ideology doesn’t serve the Gazan people or Palestinian people generally, and that there is an alternative that offers hope, and it is doing very badly at that right now.

“Israel needs to make Hamas ideologically and politically irrelevant and it is doing exactly the opposite, making them more and more relevant.”

Baskin agrees.

“The only way to defeat the Hamas ideology is with a better ideology, and that is to make the two-state solution real to Palestinians, to show them that their fight, their struggle for independence and dignity, is on the road to victory,” he told Arab News.

That, he added, “is the only way to defeat Hamas” and, with the right leadership in Israel, and an alternative to Mahmoud Abbas for the Palestinians, doing so would be “easy.”

“All Israel has to do is declare that it recognizes the state of Palestine, and then every other country in the world would do that as well,” he said.

“Then what I would do is organize a regional conference, including all of our neighbors, hoping that the Saudis would participate, and asking the Americans and Europeans to join in but not to run the show, and negotiate borders and Jerusalem and refugees and economic relations.”

The stumbling block to all this, he says, is Netanyahu, “who since 2009 has done everything he can to avoid the possibility of a two-state solution and for whom this war is definitely about his own personal political interest.”


Turkiye’s new austerity measures: The ‘bitter medicine is not just for ordinary citizens’

People walk through a shopping street in Istanbul, Turkey. (REUTERS file photo)
Updated 1 min 22 sec ago
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Turkiye’s new austerity measures: The ‘bitter medicine is not just for ordinary citizens’

  • Measures to reduce luxury spending in public sector under a savings plan unveiled on Monday have symbolic value, analyst tells Arab News

ANKARA: With local elections over, Turkiye’s Vice President Cevdet Yilmaz and Finance Minister Mehmet Simsek on Monday unveiled the much-awaited austerity plan as the country trends toward orthodox policies to ensure its fiscal discipline and a lasting price stability amid rocketing inflation rates.

One thing is clear: To attract investors and curb inflation, Turkiye needs to continue with tax reform and austerity measures in the public sector. So, the bitter medicine is not just for ordinary citizens.

According to the austerity plan, Turkiye is taking strict measures to curb public spending, with only essential state investment projects to be launched in the coming period.

Priority will be given to investment projects with physical progress of more than 75 per cent, projects planned in earthquake zones, green and digital transformation projects, and port-railway projects near industrial zones.

However, experts are skeptical about the implementation of the measures and see them merely as gesture of goodwill that falls short of expectations.

Beyond symbolic measures such as reducing the number of luxury and unnecessary public vehicles or limiting the number of public sector employees, the focus is now on the direction and scope of a meaningful fiscal policy to curb inflationary pressures.

Wolfango Piccoli, co-president of Teneo Intelligence in London, says the new measures do not resemble a coherent package to strengthen fiscal discipline, but are instead a move to appease Turkish voters who are increasingly worried about the rising cost of living.

“Moreover, past similar initiatives have shown that implementing (and monitoring) austerity measures applied to Turkiye’s bloated state apparatus will be challenging,” he said.

“Some of the more eye-catching measures, such as a freeze on the purchase and rental of new vehicles and a limit on hiring new staff, will have a limited impact on 2024 budget spending,” he said.

Piccoli believes that the package aims primarily to bring some control over the public administration but will not repair the deep economic damage caused by the economic policies of recent years.

Turkiye’s annual inflation rate climbed to almost 70 percent in April, and the central bank’s latest quarterly inflation report expects it to peak at 75 percent to 76 percent next month.

By the end of the year, the central bank anticipates that inflation will be brought down to 38 percent.

However, a recent joint study by Koc University and KONDA Research has revealed that households’ year-end inflation expectations rose to 96 percent, up from 72 percent recorded last January.

Departing from its traditional policy, the Turkish Central Bank has already raised its key interest rate by 4,150 basis points since last year.

Under the austerity package, public institutions will be prohibited from purchasing and renting new vehicles and from buying or constructing new buildings for three years.

The salaries of civil servants serving on boards of directors will be restricted. Activities such as trips, cocktails, and dinners will not be organized except for international meetings and national holidays.

At the launch of the package, Simsek said the government would make additional reforms to public finances and accelerate structural reforms.

The number of new public sector employees will for three years be limited to those needed to replace retiring workers, while the funds allocated for purchasing goods and services by state institutions will be reduced by 10 percent and those for investments by 15 percent.

Economy czar Simsek, who was in the US in April for meetings with the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, G20 and many fund managers, expressed confidence in Turkiye’s improving credit rating after S&P’s recent upgrade from B to B+. He attributed this to improved policy coordination and external rebalancing.

“The continuous decline in the annual current account deficit over the last eight months is a success of our program,” he said.

“With the decline in the current account deficit and the positive outlook for external financial inflows, the improvement in our foreign exchange reserves will continue,” he added.

The leader of the main opposition Republican People’s Party, Ozgur Ozel, likened the new plan to a “disguised IMF program.”

Turkiye posted a current account deficit of $4.5 billion in March. Because Simsek did not say how much the austerity package would reduce the deficit in the 2024 budget, experts point out the impossibility of assessing performance.

Piccoli said: “It is expected that in the best-case scenario, the measures will lead to savings of around TL100 billion to TL150 billion ($3.1 billion to $4.65 billion).

“The government's 2024 budget deficit is about TL2.4 trillion, so Simsek’s austerity package amounts to a rounding error,” Piccoli said.

“It is not a coherent, credible austerity plan supporting the disinflation process. At best, it is a show of goodwill. Even if 150 billion liras of savings are realized, the budget deficit will be above 6 percent of GDP in 2024,” he added.

Experts stress the need for a comprehensive and focused reform program with a clear timetable to build confidence in the newly announced measures.

Selva Demiralp, a professor of economics at Koc University in Istanbul, reflects on the early 2000s when Turkey faced a previous major economic crisis. At that time, Kemal Dervis, brought in from the United States, was appointed as the state minister in charge of the economy. He was sworn in on March 13, 2001 and subsequently announced the “Transition to a Strong Economy” program on April 14.

“In that program, steps were taken to increase transparency in public procurement, abolish incentives for low-productivity areas, expand the tax base through the use of tax identification numbers, and increase tax penalties. With the new measures announced today, we see steps towards increasing tax penalties, which is a positive move. Similarly, measures to reduce luxury expenditures in the public sector carry symbolic value,” Demiralp told Arab News.

“If we are entering a period of ‘bitter medicine’ for the economy, it is crucial to signal that the burden is shared not only by fixed-income earners but also by the highest-ranking public sector bureaucrats,” Demiralp added.

However, Demiralp pointed out that luxury expenditures constitute a small proportion of the state budget.

“The main waste stems from non-transparent expenditures such as tenders and incentives in inefficient sectors. We do not see any steps towards transparency in this regard. Academic studies by Turkish professor Ufuk Akcigit show that Turkey is one of the countries providing the most incentives, but these incentives are neither controlled nor monitored,” she said.

Demiralp believes that reducing civil servants’ wages in real terms should not be part of austerity measures. “It is important to anchor inflation expectations and align salary increases with these expectations. However, if we are to achieve this, the central bank must ‘do whatever it takes’ to meet the inflation targets, ensuring that salaried employees are not adversely affected,” she emphasized.

“Foreign investors will value the signaling aspect of the package. Contractionary fiscal policy, in conjunction with tight monetary policy, will undoubtedly assist the central bank,” she said.

“From a foreign investor’s perspective, the primary concern is whether aggregate demand is being restrained, rather than the societal distribution of the austerity program’s costs. Therefore, they will likely be less concerned about the burden placed on fixed-income groups, which I previously highlighted.”

 

 


Gulf news agencies discuss fake news, joint media strategy

Updated 23 min 22 sec ago
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Gulf news agencies discuss fake news, joint media strategy

  • Meeting discussed plans for a collaborative media strategy for 2023-30

RIYADH: The threat of fake news and a program for personnel exchanges were among the topics discussed at the 23rd meeting of the heads of the news agencies of Gulf Cooperation Council countries on Monday.

The talks, held virtually, were chaired by Ahmed bin Saeed Al-Rumaihi, director-general of the Qatar News Agency, the Saudi Press Agency reported.

The meeting also discussed the decisions made during the 26th gathering of GCC Ministers of Media, most notably the plans for a collaborative media strategy for 2023-30.

The delegates stressed the need for more training courses and workshops and looked into a report about misleading and false news reports. The meeting also outlined plans for an upcoming photography exhibition.

The attendees approved a program for exchange visits between editors, photographers and technicians across the region, and expressed their support for the Bahrain News Agency’s coverage of the 33rd Arab Summit on Thursday.
 


Bahraini investments in Jordan reach more than $1bn

Updated 34 min 9 sec ago
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Bahraini investments in Jordan reach more than $1bn

  • Jordanian exports to Bahrain increased to JD47.9 million in 2023

AMMAN: Bahraini investments in Jordan now total about $1.2 billion, according to a recent report by the Amman Chamber of Commerce.
As of the end of April, Bahrain was ranked fourth among foreign investors on the Amman Stock Exchange, Jordan News Agency reported.
While trade between Jordan and Bahrain experienced a slight downturn in 2023, totaling JD92 million ($129 million) compared with JD136 million in 2022, Jordanian exports to Bahrain increased modestly from JD45.9 million to JD47.9 million.
However, Bahraini exports to Jordan dropped significantly from JD90.1 million to JD44.3 million during the same period.
In the first two months of 2024, bilateral trade amounted to JD10.6 million, comprising JD5.8 million in exports and JD4.8 million in imports.
Bahrain and Jordan have signed several cooperation agreements in various sectors to bolster trade exchange, establish free trade zones, form joint business councils, and facilitate collaboration between entities such as the Bahrain Chamber of Commerce and Industry, the Federation of Jordanian Chambers of Commerce, and the Amman Chamber of Industry.
In addition, measures have been implemented to combat tax evasion through agreements on double taxation avoidance concerning capital taxes.
As of May 4, the ACC has registered 24 Bahraini partners with a collective stake of approximately JD553 million.
Among these, 12 partners operate in the services and consulting sector, holding a stake of JD392 million, while five are involved in the communications and information technology sector, with a total stake of JD54 million.
Three partners are engaged in the financial and banking sector (JD18 million), one in construction and building materials (JD79 million), one in the food sector (JD5 million), one in furniture (JD6 million), and one in health and pharmaceuticals (JD50,000).
In February 2023, Jordan, the UAE, Egypt and Bahrain signed 12 agreements during the third meeting of the Higher Committee for the Integrated Industrial Partnership for Sustainable Economic Development.
These agreements, collectively valued at approximately $2 billion, encompass sectors including agriculture, medicine, metals, chemicals, electric vehicles and waste management.
The committee unveiled nine comprehensive industrial projects, with investment exceeding $2 billion, with the objective of enhancing domestic production in partner countries by more than $1.6 billion.
These projects are expected to generate approximately 13,000 direct and indirect employment opportunities in the four countries.
 


Future of relations between Japan and Middle East in the spotlight at event in Amman

Updated 48 min 28 sec ago
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Future of relations between Japan and Middle East in the spotlight at event in Amman

  • Topics at conference include economic and regional integration, formulation of security policies
  • Experts, decision-makers discuss the challenges extremism pose to Japanese interests in the region

AMMAN: Delegates at the inaugural Japan-Middle East Strategic Dialogue Conference, which concluded on Monday in Amman, discussed the future of Japan’s relations with countries in the region.

Specific topics covered during the two-day event, which was organized by the Center for Strategic Studies at the University of Jordan and the Research Center for Advanced Science and Technology at the University of Tokyo, included economic and regional integration, the development and transfer of technology, and the formulation of security policies, the Jordan Times reported.

The participants included experts and decision-makers from across the Middle East and Japan, who discussed the challenges extremism and terrorism pose to Japanese interests in the Middle East, and the significant effects they have on the behavior of non-state actors and regional stability.

They also highlighted notable investments by Japan in the burgeoning entrepreneurship sector in the Middle East, particularly in small and medium enterprises, and the nation’s promising ventures in the development of energy infrastructure in the region.

During the opening ceremony on Sunday, Nazir Obeidat, president of the University of Jordan, said the conference can play a significant role as a cornerstone of Jordanian-Japanese relations, which have been characterized over the years by mutual respect and stability.

He highlighted the exceptional nature of a bilateral relationship he said is underpinned by a shared philosophy, its diverse components, and effective mechanisms for the implementation of agreements. He also underscored Jordan’s growing belief in the pivotal role that education, research, innovation and creativity can play in fostering genuine development, economic prosperity and sustainability.

Obeidat expressed his hope that Japan can help Jordan foster an environment conducive to scientific advancement and the building of partnerships between academia and industry, and affirmed his university’s commitment to this.

The Japanese ambassador to Jordan, Okuyama Jiro, noted that this year marks the 70th anniversary of Jordanian-Japanese diplomatic relations, and the 50th anniversary of the establishment of the Japan International Cooperation Agency office in Jordan.

He reiterated that Japan views Jordan as a strategic ally, in recognition of the nation’s pivotal role as a regional hub and gateway to the Middle East, with significant ties to Africa.

The envoy also acknowledged Jordan’s resilience in its efforts to confront economic challenges and refugee crises while maintaining security and stability, and praised authorities in the country for their exemplary approach to addressing multifaceted issues.