Lebanon’s journalists suffer abuse, threats covering unrest

MTV television reporter Nawal Berry, right, is protected by riot policemen after she was attacked by supporters of Hezbollah and Amal Movement groups during an anti-government protest on Oct. 25, 2019. (AP)
Updated 07 December 2019
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Lebanon’s journalists suffer abuse, threats covering unrest

  • The deteriorating situation for journalists in Lebanon comes despite its decades-old reputation for being an island of free press in the Arab world

BEIRUT: Lebanese journalists are facing threats and wide-ranging harassment in their work — including verbal insults and physical attacks, even death threats — while reporting on nearly 50 days of anti-government protests, despite Lebanon’s reputation as a haven for free speech in a troubled region.
Nationwide demonstrations erupted on Oct. 17 over a plunging economy. They quickly grew into calls for sweeping aside Lebanon’s entire ruling elite. Local media outlets — some of which represent the sectarian interests protesters are looking to overthrow — are now largely seen as pro- or anti-protests, with some journalists feeling pressured to leave their workplaces over disagreements about media coverage.
The deteriorating situation for journalists in Lebanon comes despite its decades-old reputation for being an island of free press in the Arab world. Amid Lebanon’s divided politics, media staff have usually had wide range to freely express their opinions, unlike in other countries in the region where the state stifles the media.
The acts of harassment began early in the protests. MTV television reporter Nawal Berry was attacked in central Beirut in the first days of the demonstrations by supporters of the militant group Hezbollah and its allies. They smashed the camera, robbed the microphone she was holding, spat on her and kicked her in the leg.
“How is it possible that a journalist today goes to report and gets subjected to beating and humiliation? Where are we? Lebanon is the country of freedoms and democracy,” Berry said.
Outlets like MTV are widely seen as backing protesters’ demands that Lebanon’s sectarian political system be completely overturned to end decades of corruption and mismanagement.
Rival TV stations and newspapers portray the unrest — which led to the Cabinet’s resignation over a month ago — as playing into the hands of alleged plots to undermine Hezbollah and its allies. Many of those outlets are run by Hezbollah, President Michel Aoun’s Free Patriotic Movement and the Amal Movement of Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri. These media regularly blast protesters for closing roads and using other civil disobedience tactics, describing them as “bandits.”
For Berry, the media environment worsened as the unrest continued. On the night of Nov. 24, while she was covering clashes between protesters and Hezbollah and Amal supporters on a central road in Beirut, supporters of the Shiite groups chased her into a building. She hid there until police came and escorted her out.
“I was doing my job and will continue to do so. I have passed through worse periods and was able to overcome them,” said Berry, who added she is taking a short break from working because of what she passed through recently.
Hezbollah supporters also targeted Dima Sadek, who resigned last month as an anchorwoman at LBC TV. She blamed Hezbollah supporters for robbing her smartphone while she was filming protests, and said the harassment was followed by insulting and threatening phone calls to her mother, who suffered a stroke as a result of the stress.
“I have taken a decision (to be part of the protests) and I am following it. I have been waiting for this moment all my life and I have always been against the political, sectarian and corrupt system in Lebanon,” said Sadek, a harsh critic of Hezbollah, adding that she has been subjected to cyberbullying for the past four years.
“I know very well that this will have repercussions on my personal and professional life. I will go to the end no matter what the price is,” Sadek said shortly after taking part in a demonstration in central Beirut.
Protesters have also targeted journalists reporting with what are seen as pro-government outlets. OTV station workers briefly removed their logos from equipment while covering on the demonstrations to avoid verbal and physical abuse. The station is run by supporters of Aoun’s FPM.
“The protest movement has turned our lives upside down,” said OTV journalist Rima Hamdan, who during one of her reports slapped a man on his hand after he pointed his middle finger at her. She said the station’s logo “is our identity even though sometimes we had to remove it for our own safety.”
Television reporters with Hezbollah’s Al-Manar and Amal’s NBN channels were also attacked in a town near Beirut, when they were covering the closure of the highway linking the capital city with southern Lebanon by protesters. In a video, an NBN correspondent is seen being attacked, while troops and policemen stand nearby without intervening.
“This happens a lot in Lebanon because some media organizations are politicized. No one sees media organizations as they are but sees them as representing the political group that owns them,” said Ayman Mhanna, director of the Beirut-based media watchdog group SKeyes.
“The biggest problem regarding these violations is that there is no punishment,” Mhanna said. Authorities usually fail to act even when they identify those behind attacks on journalists, he added.
Coverage of the protests also led to several journalists resigning from one of Lebanon’s most prominent newspapers, Al-Akhbar, which is seen as close to Hezbollah, and the pan-Arab TV station Al-Mayadeen, which aligns closely with the policies of Iran, Syria and Venezuela.
Joy Slim, who quit as culture writer at Al-Akhbar after more than five years, said she did so after being “disappointed” with the daily’s coverage of the demonstrations. She released a video widely circulated on social media that ridiculed those who accuse the protesters of being American agents.
Sami Kleib, a prominent Lebanese journalist with a wide following around the Middle East, resigned from Al-Mayadeen last month. He said the reason behind his move was that he was “closer to the people than the authorities.”
“The Lebanese media is similar to politics in Lebanon where there is division between two axes: One that supports the idea of conspiracy theory, and another that fully backs the protest movement with its advantages and disadvantages,” Kleib said.


Award winning Al Arabiya reporter recounts horrors of covering Sudan

Updated 21 min 56 sec ago
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Award winning Al Arabiya reporter recounts horrors of covering Sudan

  • Almigdad Hassan describes his journey covering killings, hunger and disease
  • RSF continues onslaught as world fails to stop Sudan war

LONDON: When war erupted in Sudan in April 2023, Almigdad Hassan, a 27-year-old pharmacy graduate from the University of Khartoum, had just begun his first job at a pharmaceutical company.

Within days, the explosions that trapped him in the capital pushed him into frontline war reporting for Saudi Arabia broadcasters Al Arabiya and Al Hadath.

It was a decision that would later earn him an international free press award for courageous coverage of one of the world’s most underreported and inaccessible humanitarian catastrophes.

As most residents fled Khartoum, Hassan said he felt compelled to stay.

“Something inside me was driving me to stay, but I didn’t know what it was,” Hassan told Arab News after winning the Newcomer of the Year award from Free Press Unlimited, a Netherlands-based international press freedom organization.

“I just felt that this was my chance to use my talent in media to do something for my people and humanity.”

Almigdad Hassan described ‘hysterical happiness’ in every area retaken from RSF. (Supplied)

At the time, he took three days to accept Al Arabiya’s offer to become an official war correspondent, following a previous internship with the network.

He did not anticipate that the power struggle between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Abu Dhabi-backed Rapid Support Forces would spiral into a protracted war — now nearing its third anniversary and widely described as the world’s worst humanitarian crisis.

“Things escalated so quickly in Khartoum. Main roads and bridges were blocked, armored vehicles and military checkpoints were seen everywhere,” Hassan said, referring to the RSF’s seizure of Khartoum International Airport, the presidential palace, and several military bases in April 2023.

“Every time I carried my equipment and stepped outside to report, I did not know whether I would reach my assignment or make it back home. Every decision put my life at risk.”

He shared harrowing testimonies from survivors in displacement camps in El-Obeid, North Kordofan, where residents had fled violence in the RSF-controlled towns of Kadugli and Dilling in South Kordofan before their liberation during a major SAF army breakthrough last fortnight.

“I heard more than 10 accounts of grave human rights violations, including mass killings, torture, widespread gang rape, and arbitrary imprisonment,” Hassan said of his reporting last December.

Hassan recounted 15 months of reporting from RSF-controlled Khartoum before the SAF retook the capital last March, describing it as “the darkest time of my life.”

“Khartoum was hell back then. It was the worst place in the world in terms of security and the violation of every basic human right to a level no one can imagine,” Hassan said.

He recalled that the most harrowing scenes he witnessed came within the first week of the war, when “bodies of residents lay decomposing in the streets and were eaten by dogs.”

“This was the moment I realized our humanity was being erased, just as those bodies were slowly vanishing,” Hassan said, “but it reinforced my belief that documenting these horrors was my mission, no matter the risks.”

He reported attacks involving killings, rape, and arbitrary kidnappings carried out inside private homes. He also pointed to unofficial mass graves hastily dug into residential streets to bury the dead, while some bodies were left to decompose inside houses.

“The armed men would celebrate killing residents because anyone living in army-controlled areas was seen as supportive of the army,” Hassan said.

“These are not only media narratives. It is a reality people lived.”

Since the war began, both the RSF and SAF have been accused of committing atrocities. However, the RSF has been accused of genocide against non-Arab groups such as the Masalit, Fur, and Zaghawa tribes in West Darfur. Abu Dhabi has been accused of backing the RSF.

Last year, a detailed report produced by Amnesty International provides evidence for the presence of UAE armored personnel carriers and infantry fighting vehicles in Sudan being used by the RSF in particular. Amnesty also accuses the RSF of war crimes. 

In August 2024, 15 months into the war, the UN-backed Famine Review Committee of the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification declared famine in North Darfur’s Zamzam displacement camp, which had been under RSF blockade — the committee’s first such determination in more than seven years.

Last November, the UN declared famine in RSF-controlled Al-Fasher, the capital of North Darfur, and Kadugli, the capital of South Kordofan, warning that a further 20 areas across Darfur and Greater Kordofan were at risk in what it described as “the world’s largest hunger crisis.”

Last fortnight

, the global hunger monitor issued an alert saying famine thresholds for acute malnutrition had been surpassed in the contested North Darfur localities of Um Baru and Kernoi.

Hassan pointed to the lack of safety and severe movement restrictions in RSF-controlled areas, describing neighborhoods as “largely emptied of residents” and cut off, with no services or medical supplies.

By autumn 2024, months before Khartoum was reclaimed by the army, residents in some neighborhoods were dying from diseases such as dengue fever, with no access to basic medical supplies or care.

Hospitals, he said, were reporting at least four deaths a day.

During the outbreak, which also infected some of his fellow journalists, Hassan said he relied on his training as a pharmacist to assess the risks but was still “scared for my life, knowing the risk was high and there was little protection.”

He said he felt a responsibility to document both the military and humanitarian dimensions of the war, particularly in the absence of any rule of law or effective security presence.

People, he noted, were entirely dependent on humanitarian support at a time when aid organizations were denied access.

“It was hard to witness this as a human being, let alone document it as a journalist,” he said. “Even enemies have basic human rights that need to be maintained, but unfortunately, what I saw was that fighters and armed militia got used to the act of killing in a horrific manner.”

The RSF, he said, engaged in direct clashes that killed civilians while also burning entire villages and looting livestock, shops, and property. Once-bustling roads in Khartoum had become deserted, unrecognizable corridors of destruction.

According to UN figures, the conflict has displaced roughly 14 million people and killed hundreds of thousands.

Hassan said his work as a journalist allowed limited movement around Khartoum after complex security arrangements with both sides — a privilege unavailable to most civilians.

“Yet, we were often caught in crossfire and at risk of being killed by the other warring party, which viewed us as siding with the enemy,” he said.

“As journalists, we relied on solar power to charge our equipment and stay connected, which gave us more access than ordinary citizens. Even then, once we left our office — often our only safe space — we were completely isolated. If something happened to you in the streets, no one would know.”

Beyond the devastating loss of human life, Hassan said the violations extended to Sudan’s cultural heritage and national history.

Reporting from the aftermath of attacks on the presidential palace and the national museum, he said he witnessed the destruction and looting of artifacts tracing the country’s history since independence.

“I watched the country’s history being erased in front of my eyes,” he said, referring to damaged artifacts, gifts from earlier eras, and the destruction of classic cars once used by former presidents.

“I realized the brutality of this war when I saw people killing their own countrymen and destroying their own culture, heritage and history.”

Hassan described residents’ “hysterical happiness” in every area retaken by the army. Many, he said, likened life under RSF rule to “colonialism,” saying they were treated like foreigners rather than Sudanese.

Though both sides have been accused of violations, Hassan said people want a ruling authority that restores the basic dignity and human rights they lost.

In announcing the award, Free Press Unlimited said Hassan was recognized for his “dedication, courage, and ability to deliver compelling, accurate reporting under extreme conditions.”

Hassan said the recognition deepened his sense of responsibility toward humanity and strengthened his determination to continue reporting on the devastating war.

“With time, I understood the importance of what I do,” he said. “I realized how journalism can protect lives and deliver voices that would otherwise go unheard.”

He described the award as a shared responsibility with the international community. With his work now recognized globally, Hassan said his reach — and his mission — has only grown.

“It is no longer a job. It is my mission.”