Once Karachi’s largest party, MQM faces its toughest polls

A child supporter of Shahbaz Sharif, brother of ex-prime minister Nawaz Sharif, and leader of Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) waves party flags with others to welcome him during a campaign rally ahead of general elections in the Lyari neighborhood in Karachi, Pakistan on June 26, 2018. (REUTERS/Akhtar Soomro)
Updated 09 July 2018
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Once Karachi’s largest party, MQM faces its toughest polls

  • Members of Pakistan's Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) warn that when force is applied, and people are prevented from exercising their free-will, it results in nothing.
  • Altaf Hussain, frustrated by a large number of votes taken by Imran Khan’s PTI and folliung operation by the Rangers, delivered a controversial anti-Pakistan speech on Aug. 22, 2016, distancing himself from the party he had founded.

KARACHI: Yousuf Ahmed, a resident of Gulshan-e-Iqbal Karachi, is not going to exercise his right to vote in the general elections and he is not alone. At least a dozen of his family members, who have been voting for the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) for nearly three decades, will abstain.

The reason, Ahmed said, is the call from London, where the party’s founder Altaf Hussain had been remotely running his party since his self-exile in the early 1990s. He now heads MQM, which is referred to as MQM-London.

“What elections? This is selection and will be of no use for the community,” Ahmed told Arab News. 

Ahmed alleges that when force is applied, and people are prevented from exercising their free-will, it results in nothing.

There are many in the Urdu-speaking community — popularly known as Mohajirs — who think along the same lines but there are many more who still find protection in “Kite” — an election symbol this time allotted to the Muttahida Qaumi Movement-Pakistan (MQM-P) — against uncertain fear being inbuilt in them over decades.

Noman Ali, a shopkeeper in the Korangi neighborhood of the city, said that his vote will go to the MQM-P. The reason, he said, is that they are his own people, who will take care of him. “We have no alternatives. We know that the party has been disconnected from our Quid (leader) Altaf Hussain but we have no other options; if we really want to survive we have to vote for Kite,” Ali told Arab News.

Waseem Aftab, senior leader of the Pak Sarzameen Party (PSP) — a party formed in March 2016 by Mustafa Kamal, MQM’s former mayor of Karachi, and Anees Qaimkhani, the mind behind MQM’s present organizational structure — claims PSP has defeated the fear.

“The majority of the community, which would vote for language and ethnicity in the past, will vote for Pakistan now,” Aftab told Arab News.

“We are not just giving a political statement. Most of us at the PSP are the people who have been heading and running MQM’s election campaigns, we have strong contacts with our people and they will vote for us,” Aftab says, claiming not only Urdu-speaking but Karachiites speaking any language will vote for the PSP, making it the largest political party of the city.

Zubair Ashraf, a journalist covering the MQM, said that the Urdu-speaking community accepted MQM-P chief Dr. Farooq Sattar out of necessity, as although he disowned Altaf Hussain, they would not accept Mustafa Kamal due to the harsh language the former mayor had been using against MQM’s founder.

Founded in 1984, the MQM won the hearts of the people of Karachi and grabbed nine out of 11 national assembly seats from the seaside Pakistani metropolis in the 1988 general elections, in which the party fielded independent candidates. In the next elections in 1990, it fought with the name of Haq Parasat Group, and the MQM performed well by securing 10 out of 11 seats. The MQM boycotted the 1993 vote but in the next elections, in 1997, it won nine out 11 seats in Karachi.

In 2002, the alliance of religious parties, Muttahida Majlis Amal (MMA), won five seats. Two seats were secured by the Pakistan People’s Party and one by Mohajir Qaumi Movement (MQM-H), leaving 12 seats for MQM, which was its poorest performance (60 percent of seats) since its inception. However, the party bounced back and won 17 each out of 20 in the next two general polls in 2008 and 2013.

The next years were the toughest. Altaf Hussain, frustrated by a large number of votes taken by Imran Khan’s PTI and following the detention of workers during Karachi’s targeted operation by the Rangers, delivered a controversial anti-Pakistan speech on Aug. 22, 2016, distancing himself from the party he had founded.

Although Dr. Farooq Sattar saved his party by disowning Altaf Hussain and getting the party registered in his name, his conflict with senior leader Aamir Khan led to a split in the party, which remained till the PIB and Bahadurabad factions united on June 15. 

Given the current scenario of splits, factions and calls for boycott, analysts believe that the strong resume of MQM will hardly help it perform like in past elections.

“If anyone claims with certainty that they know where the electoral cards will fall in Karachi ... then they’re either Nostradamus ... or they’re lying,” said Zarrar Khuhro, a senior analyst and host of a talk show at Dawn News.

Khuhro said that politics was unpredictable at the best of times and the election in Karachi would be more unpredictable than ever. “With the MQM in disarray, we see many players looking for gains in Karachi, as evidenced by Shehbaz Sharif’s campaigning here.”

Aminul Haque, central leader of the MQM, said that it was not the first time his party had faced a tough situation. “Our headquarters and other offices are closed; our workers were discriminately targeted in Karachi operation, but we have a history of performing well because the people of Karachi trust the MQM, which has always stood for them,” Haq told Arab News.

Dr. Professor Tauseef Ahmed, an expert on the city’s political history, said that if Hussain emphasized the boycott, the MQM-P may find itself in difficulties. “Otherwise, it will be the largest party, followed by PPP, PTI and MMA, leaving its subtotal as its lowest in MQM’s election history,” Dr. Ahmed told Arab News.

“The mandate of Urdu speaking will go to MQM-P and PSP, though the former will get the major share,” Ashraf said. 

He disagrees with Dr. Ahmed. “As I have spoken to many workers and supporters of the MQM, most of them will vote for MQM-P despite its fractionalization and internal rifts,” Ashraf said, adding that lately leaders associated with the PIB and Bahadurabad factions had buried the hatchet, which would benefit the party.

Khuhro said that the Pakistan People’s Party would get its three or so seats and Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf should also make gains, though perhaps less than they should have given their showing in last elections.

“However, while the MQM is highly unlikely to sweep the way they used to, they will most likely still be Karachi’s largest party,” he said.

 


From the Balkans to Southeast Asia: High-stakes elections test fragile stabilities across three continents

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From the Balkans to Southeast Asia: High-stakes elections test fragile stabilities across three continents

  • Myanmar junta stages election after five years of civil war
  • Central African Republic votes, Russia ally Touadera seeks third term
  • Guinea votes in presidential election expected to cement Doumbouya’s rule
  • Kosovo votes in bid to end year-long political impasse

YANGON/BANGUI/CONAKRY/PRISTINA: Four nations across three continents — Myanmar, Central African Republic, Guinea, and Kosovo — have officially opened polls Sunday in a pivotal day for global democracy and shifting political tides.

While the contexts range from the desperate search for an end to civil war in Southeast Asia to breaking parliamentary deadlocks in the Balkans, each vote carries profound implications for regional stability and the future of civilian rule.

Heavily restricted polls

Myanmar’s ruling junta is touting the exercise as a return to democracy five years after it ousted the last elected government, triggering civil war.

But early voters at a downtown station near the gleaming Sule Pagoda — the site of huge pro-democracy protests after the coup — were outnumbered by journalists and polling staff, a far cry from the snaking queues of voters formed outside polling stations in the last election in 2020.

The military declared that election void, ousted civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi and seized power in 2021. Suu Kyi remains jailed, while her hugely popular party has been dissolved and was not taking part.
Campaigners, Western diplomats and the UN’s rights chief have all condemned the phased month-long vote, citing a ballot stacked with military allies and a stark crackdown on dissent.

Voters line up to cast their ballots at a polling station, with Sule Pagoda in background, on Dec. 28, 2025, in Yangon, Myanmar. (AP)

The pro-military Union Solidarity and Development Party is widely expected to emerge as the largest one, in what critics say would be a rebranding of martial rule.
The Southeast Asian nation of around 50 million is riven by civil war and there will be no voting in rebel-held areas.
In junta-controlled territory, the first of three rounds started at 6:00 a.m. (2330 GMT Saturday), including in constituencies in the cities of Yangon, Mandalay and the capital Naypyidaw.
The run-up saw none of the feverish public rallies that Suu Kyi once commanded, and the junta has waged a withering pre-vote offensive to claw back territory.
“It is impossible for this election to be free and fair,” said Moe Moe Myint, who has spent the past two months “on the run” from junta air strikes.

The military ruled Myanmar for most of its post-independence history before a 10-year interlude saw a civilian government take the reins in a burst of optimism and reform.
But after Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy party trounced pro-military opponents in the 2020 elections, Min Aung Hlaing snatched power in a coup, alleging widespread voter fraud.
The Asian Network for Free Elections says 90 percent of the seats in the last elections went to organizations that will not appear on Sunday’s ballots.
New electronic voting machines will not allow write-in candidates or spoiled ballots.

The junta is pursuing prosecutions against more than 200 people for violating draconian legislation forbidding “disruption” of the poll, including protest or criticism.
“These elections are clearly taking place in an environment of violence and repression,” UN rights chief Volker Turk said this week.
The second round of polling will take place in two weeks before the third and final round on January 25, but the junta has conceded elections cannot happen in almost one in five lower house constituencies.

Touadera victory would likely advance Russian interests

In the Central African Republic, President Faustin-Archange Touadera is seeking a third term as the chronically unstable country holds ​national elections, touting security gains made with the help of Russian mercenaries and Rwandan soldiers.
The 68-year-old mathematician oversaw a constitutional referendum in 2023 that scrapped the presidential term limit, drawing an outcry from his critics who accused him of seeking to rule for life.
A Touadera victory — the expected outcome — would likely further the interests of Russia, which has traded security assistance for access to resources including gold and diamonds. Touadera is also offering access to the country’s lithium and uranium reserves to anyone interested.

Supporters of Central African Republic's President and presidential candidate for the United Hearts Movement (MCU) Faustin Archange Touadera gather during his final rally in Bangui on December 26, 2025 ahead of CAR's presidential election on December 28, 2025. (AFP)

The opposition field ‌of six candidates ‌is led by two former prime ministers, Anicet-Georges Dologuele ‌and ⁠Henri-Marie Dondra, ​both of ‌whom survived attempts by Touadera’s supporters to have them disqualified for allegedly holding foreign citizenship.
Though both men remain on the ballot, Touadera is still seen as the favorite given his control over state institutions and superior financial resources, analysts say.
The challenges to the candidacies of Dologuele and Dondra “aligned with an apparent pattern of administrative manoeuvring that has disproportionately impeded opposition politicians while favoring the ruling United Hearts Party,” Human Rights Watch said last month.
“Their late admission ⁠to the race raises questions about whether voters have been given a genuine choice.”

In ‌2018, CAR became the first country in West and ‍Central Africa to bring in Russia’s Wagner ‍mercenaries, a step since also taken by Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger.
Two years ‍later Rwanda deployed troops to shore up Touadera’s government as rebel groups threatened the capital and tried to disrupt the 2020 elections, ultimately preventing voting at 800 polling stations across the country, or 14 percent of the total.
The country is more secure now after Touadera signed several peace deals with ​rebel groups this year.
But those gains remain fragile: Rebels have not fully disarmed, reintegration is incomplete, and incursions by combatants from neighboring Sudan fuel ⁠insecurity in the east. Beyond the presidential contest, the elections on Sunday cover legislative, regional and municipal positions.
Provisional results are expected by January 5.
If no candidate gets more than 50 percent of the vote, a presidential runoff will take place on February 15, while legislative runoffs will take place on April 5.
Pangea-Risk, a consultancy, wrote in a note to clients that the risk of unrest after the election was high as opponents were likely to challenge Touadera’s expected victory.
A smooth voting process could reinforce Touadera’s claim that stability is returning, which was buttressed last year with the UN Security Council’s lifting of an arms embargo and the lifting of a separate embargo on diamond exports.
In November, the UN Security ‌Council extended the mandate of its peacekeeping mission. The US opposed the decision, calling for a shorter extension and a handover of security to Bangui.

Guinea's transition to civilian rule

In Guinea, the election is widely expected to hand Mamady Doumbouya, who seized power in ​a 2021 coup, a seven-year mandate, completing the West African nation’s transition back to civilian rule.
The former special forces commander, believed to be in his early 40s, faces eight other candidates in a fragmented field with no strong challenger. Ousted president Alpha Conde and longtime opposition leader Cellou Dalein Diallo remain in exile.
Guinea holds the world’s largest bauxite reserves and the richest untapped iron ore deposit at Simandou, officially launched last month after years of delay.

Officials of the General Directorate of Elections organize electoral materials at Dixinn’s city hall in Conakry, on December 27, 2025, on the eve on Guinea’s presidential election. (AFP)

Doumbouya has claimed credit for pushing the project ‌forward and ensuring Guinea ‌benefits from its output.
His government this year also ‌revoked ⁠EGA ​subsidiary Guinea Alumina ‌Corporation’s license after a refinery dispute, transferring its assets to a state-owned firm.
The turn toward resource nationalism — echoed in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger — has boosted his popularity, as has his youth in a country where the median age is about 19.
“For us young people, Doumbouya represents the opportunity to send the old political class into retirement,” said Mohamed Kaba, a mechanic in Conakry. “There is a lot of corruption right now, but I hope ⁠these things will be sorted out.”

If elected, Doumbouya “will likely utilize his position ‌to further entrench his power and that of the military ‍over Guinea,” said Benedict Manzin, lead Middle ‍East and Africa analyst at risk consultancy Sibylline.
“In particular he is likely to ‍position his allies and associates to benefit from the expected economic boom associated with the launch of production” at Simandou, Manzin added.
A transition charter adopted after the coup barred junta members from contesting elections. But in September, Guineans overwhelmingly backed a new constitution removing that clause, extending presidential ​terms to seven years and creating a Senate.

Political debate ⁠has been muted under Doumbouya. Civil society groups accuse his government of banning protests, curbing press freedom and restricting opposition activity.
The campaign period “has been severely restricted, marked by intimidation of opposition actors, apparently politically motivated enforced disappearances, and constraints on media freedom,” UN rights chief Volker Turk said Friday. These conditions “risk undermining the credibility of the electoral process,” he added.
The government did not respond to a request for comment.
Doumbouya kept a low profile during the campaign, leaving surrogates to make his case.
At a closing rally on Thursday in Conakry, he skipped a speech although he danced with his wife while Congolese star Koffi Olomide performed.
He wore a white baseball cap and track jacket emblazoned with the name of his ‌movement: “Generation for Modernity and Development.”
About 6.7 million people are registered to vote, with provisional results expected within 48 to 72 hours of polls closing.

Acting Prime Minister of Kosovo and Levizja Vetevendosje (Movement for Self-Determination) party leader Albin Kurti speaks to his supporters during the last election campaign rally in Pristina, Kosovo December 27, 2025. (Reuters)

Kosovo's political crisis 
In Kosovo, Prime Minister Albin Kurti’s party seeks a majority to end a year-long political deadlock that has paralyzed parliament and delayed international funding.
The vote is the second this year in Europe’s youngest nation after Kurti’s Vetevendosje party fell short of a majority in February. Months of failed coalition talks prompted President Vjosa Osmani to dissolve parliament in November and call an early election.
Failure to form a government and reopen ‌parliament would prolong the ‌crisis at a critical time: lawmakers must ‌elect ⁠a new ​president ‌in April and ratify 1 billion euros ($1.2 billion) in loan agreements from the European Union and World Bank that expire in the coming months.
The Balkan country’s opposition parties have refused to govern with Kurti, criticizing his handling of ties with Western allies and his approach to Kosovo’s ethnically divided north, where a Serb minority lives. Kurti blames the opposition for the impasse.
To woo voters, ⁠Kurti has pledged an additional month of salary per year for public sector workers, one ‌billion euros per year in capital investment and ‍a new prosecution unit to ‍fight organized crime. Opposition parties have also focused on improving living standards.
Opinion ‍polls are not published in Kosovo, leaving the outcome uncertain. Many voters say they are disillusioned.
“There wouldn’t be great joy if Kurti wins, nor would there be if the opposition wins. This country needs drastic changes, and I don’t see ​that change coming,” said Edi Krasiqi, a doctor.
Kosovo declared independence from Serbia in 2008 with US backing, including a 1999 NATO bombing campaign against Serbian forces trying to crush an uprising by the 90 percent ethnic Albanian majority.
Despite international support, the country of 1.6 million has struggled with poverty, instability and organized crime. Kurti’s tenure, which began in 2021, was the first time a Pristina government completed a full term.
Tensions with Serbia flared in 2023, prompting the EU to impose sanctions on Kosovo. The bloc said this month it would lift them after ethnic Serb mayors were elected ‌in northern municipalities, but the measures likely cost Kosovo hundreds of millions of euros.