JERUSALEM: Zemenech Bililin has not seen her sisters in more than a decade, since she immigrated to Israel from Ethiopia with part of her family. Now a 19-year-old infantry soldier in Israel’s military, Bililin says she is outraged that she is fulfilling her duties as a citizen but the state is shirking its responsibility to bring her relatives to Israel.
Bililin’s family is one of hundreds that have been split between Israel and Ethiopia over what they say is an inconsistent immigration policy, and whose fate hinges on an Israeli government decision over whether to allow for their reunification. Ethiopians in Israel say the bitter public feud to unite with long-lost relatives has exacerbated a feeling that the state discriminates against its Ethiopian minority.
“It’s shocking in my opinion. They only do this to us, to our ethnicity,” said Bililin. “The state should take responsibility and stop abandoning the Jews.”
The issue faces a critical juncture next week, when the government is tentatively scheduled to decide whether to allocate funding to bring as many as 8,000 Ethiopians to Israel to reunite with their families.
Israel clandestinely airlifted thousands of Ethiopian Jews from the country in the 1980s and 90s, spending hundreds of millions of dollars to bring the ancient community to the Jewish state and help them integrate. About 140,000 Ethiopian Jews live in Israel today, a small minority in a country of over 8 million. But their assimilation hasn’t been smooth, with many arriving without a modern education and then falling into unemployment and poverty.
As far as Israel is concerned, the drive to bring over Ethiopia’s Jewish community officially ended in the 90s, but amid pressure from lawmakers and family members, successive Israeli governments have opened the door to immigration by a community of descendants of Ethiopian Jews who were forced to convert to Christianity under duress about a century ago.
Although many of them are practicing Jews, Israel doesn’t consider them Jewish, meaning they are not automatically eligible to immigrate under its “law of return,” which grants automatic citizenship to anyone with at least one Jewish grandparent. Instead, the government must OK their arrival.
Community members have been permitted to immigrate over the last two decades in limited bursts that have left hundreds of families torn apart.
Nearly 8,000 people in Ethiopia are hoping to immigrate, among them Bililin’s sisters, who as married women applied to immigrate separately.
In 2015, Israel agreed in principle to bring over the remaining Ethiopians who have Israeli relatives, vowing that it would be the last round of Ethiopian immigration and clearing the way for the arrival of 1,300 people last year.
Israel says it has continued to greenlight the community’s immigration on humanitarian grounds but it also has set a slew of requirements on those waiting in Ethiopia, in part to prevent what could be an endless loop of immigration claims.
Avraham Neguise, an Ethiopian-Israeli lawmaker in the ruling Likud party who chairs the Israeli parliament’s Absorption and Diaspora Committee, accused the government of dragging its feet and in turn damaging the Ethiopian community’s already brittle relationship with the state.
“The government is pursuing a discriminatory policy by not having the remaining Ethiopian Jews immigrate,” he said. “There’s no doubt that it harms the community’s trust.”
While Ethiopians have made strides in certain fields and have reached the halls of Israel’s parliament, many complain of racism, lack of opportunity, endemic poverty and routine police harassment.
Those frustrations boiled over into violent protests three years ago after footage emerged of an Ethiopian-Israeli in an army uniform being beaten by police. Thousands of Ethiopian Jews and their supporters blocked main highways and clashed with police in a bid to draw attention to their plight, including what they say is unchecked police brutality against their community members.
Activists have been lobbying the government to approve the immigration, penning letters to Israeli officials and sharing their poignant stories of separation in parliamentary committees. They see the issue as an easily solvable one that has needlessly shattered families and marooned people in a troubled country.
“Daughters are getting married in Israel without their mothers at their side. Sons are going to war and not returning without having their fathers there to bury them. We’re talking about human lives here,” said Alisa Bodner, a spokeswoman for Struggle for Ethiopian Aliyah, an activist group.
The community expected to see funding for immigration in the proposed budget, which is expected to come up for a vote as early as next week. But they were stunned when it was absent from preliminary versions of the budget.
The anticipated estimated cost of flying all 8,000 people to Israel along with housing and social services is roughly 1.4 billion shekels, or about $400 million, a sizeable figure but a tiny fraction of a nearly 500 billion shekel ($143 billion) national budget, according to an official from the finance ministry. The official spoke on condition of anonymity because she was not authorized to discuss a budget that has not yet been passed.
Neguise and the activists are engaged in a last-minute push to have the families’ plight included in the upcoming budget and to do so the Israeli government must vote on the issue, which could happen on Sunday. However, it is unclear whether the government would agree to bring all of the Ethiopians to Israel, or just limited numbers as in the past.
Regardless of the outcome, hundreds of people are expected to protest outside parliament the following day demanding action.
Israel’s Finance Ministry said it was up to the government to decide on the issue. There was no immediate comment from Israel’s prime minister’s office.
The Ministry of Immigration and Immigrant Absorption said “the subject of the continuation of Ethiopian immigration is on the government’s agenda.” But with the government embroiled in a coalition crisis over separate issues, the plight of the Ethiopians may not be its top priority.
“It’s intensely painful. I miss them like crazy,” Bililin said about her sisters. “(The government) doesn’t understand that pain.”
Ethiopian-Israelis decry family separation as discriminatory
Ethiopian-Israelis decry family separation as discriminatory
Gazans fear renewed displacement after Israeli strikes
- When her children, trembling with fear, ask where the family can go to escape Israel’s continued bombardment in southern Gaza’s Khan Yunis area, Umm Ahmed has no answer
KHAN YUNIS: When her children, trembling with fear, ask where the family can go to escape Israel’s continued bombardment in southern Gaza’s Khan Yunis area, Umm Ahmed has no answer.
In her small, devastated village near Khan Yunis city, recent Israeli drone and artillery strikes shattered the tenuous sense of peace delivered by a ceasefire that has largely held since October 10.
Residents say the strikes have targeted neighborhoods east of the so-called Yellow Line — a demarcation established under the truce between Israel and Hamas.
The Israeli military says its troops are deployed in the area in accordance with the ceasefire framework, accusing Hamas militants of “crossing the Yellow Line and carrying out terrorist activities.”
More than two years after Hamas’s October 7 attack on Israel sparked a devastating war, tens of thousands of Gazans still live in tents or damaged homes in these areas, where the Israeli army maintains control and operates checkpoints.
Now, many fear being forced from their homes, compelled to move west of the Yellow Line.
“We don’t sleep at night because of fear. The bombardments in the east are relentless,” said Umm Ahmed, 40.
“My children tremble at every explosion and ask me, ‘Where can we go?’ And I have no answer.”
Her home in Bani Suheila has been completely destroyed, yet the family has stayed, pitching a tent beside the ruins.
“Staying close to our destroyed home is easier than facing the unknown,” Umm Ahmed said.
Crossing the Yellow Line to Al-Mawasi, west of Khan Yunis, is not an option for them.
There, makeshift camps stretch as far as the eye can see, housing tens of thousands of Palestinians who fled the fighting.
“There is no place left for anyone there, and not enough food or water,” Umm Ahmed said, as Gaza remains trapped in a catastrophic humanitarian crisis.
- ‘We will not leave’ -
The Israeli military blames continued threats from Hamas militants for its actions in the area.
“The IDF’s current operations in Gaza, and their deployment in the Yellow Line area in particular, are carried out to address direct threats from terrorist organizations in Gaza,” the Israeli military said in a statement to AFP.
The war in Gaza began with Hamas’s attack on Israel on October 7, 2023 that resulted in the deaths of 1,221 people, mostly civilians, according to an AFP tally based on official Israeli figures.
Since the war began, more than 70,000 people have been killed in Gaza, according to the Hamas-run territory’s health ministry.
The vast majority of Gaza’s more than two million residents were displaced during the war, many multiple times.
A fragile ceasefire has been in place since October 10, though both sides regularly accuse each other of violations.
Under the truce, Israeli forces withdrew to positions east of the Yellow Line.
Earlier this month, Israeli army chief Lt. Gen. Eyal Zamir described the Yellow Line as the “new border line” with Israel.
“The Yellow Line is a new border line — serving as a forward defensive line for our communities and a line of operational activity,” he said to reserve soldiers in Gaza.
For Palestinian officials, the line is seen as a tool for permanent displacement.
“The objective is to frighten residents, expel them from their areas, and force them west,” said Alaa Al-Batta, mayor of Khan Yunis, denouncing the bombardments as “violations of the ceasefire agreement.”
Mahmud Baraka, 45, from Khuzaa, east of Khan Yunis, described constant artillery fire and home demolitions in the area.
“It feels like we are still living in a war zone,” he said.
“Explosions happen as if they are right next to us. The objective of the occupation is clear: to intimidate us and drive us out, so the region is emptied.”
For now, residents feel trapped between bombardment and displacement, uncertain how long they can endure.
Despite the danger, Abdel Hamid, 70, refuses to leave his home located north of Khan Yunis, where he lives with his five children.
“We will not leave... this is our land,” he said.
“Moving would not be a solution, but yet another tragedy.”
In her small, devastated village near Khan Yunis city, recent Israeli drone and artillery strikes shattered the tenuous sense of peace delivered by a ceasefire that has largely held since October 10.
Residents say the strikes have targeted neighborhoods east of the so-called Yellow Line — a demarcation established under the truce between Israel and Hamas.
The Israeli military says its troops are deployed in the area in accordance with the ceasefire framework, accusing Hamas militants of “crossing the Yellow Line and carrying out terrorist activities.”
More than two years after Hamas’s October 7 attack on Israel sparked a devastating war, tens of thousands of Gazans still live in tents or damaged homes in these areas, where the Israeli army maintains control and operates checkpoints.
Now, many fear being forced from their homes, compelled to move west of the Yellow Line.
“We don’t sleep at night because of fear. The bombardments in the east are relentless,” said Umm Ahmed, 40.
“My children tremble at every explosion and ask me, ‘Where can we go?’ And I have no answer.”
Her home in Bani Suheila has been completely destroyed, yet the family has stayed, pitching a tent beside the ruins.
“Staying close to our destroyed home is easier than facing the unknown,” Umm Ahmed said.
Crossing the Yellow Line to Al-Mawasi, west of Khan Yunis, is not an option for them.
There, makeshift camps stretch as far as the eye can see, housing tens of thousands of Palestinians who fled the fighting.
“There is no place left for anyone there, and not enough food or water,” Umm Ahmed said, as Gaza remains trapped in a catastrophic humanitarian crisis.
- ‘We will not leave’ -
The Israeli military blames continued threats from Hamas militants for its actions in the area.
“The IDF’s current operations in Gaza, and their deployment in the Yellow Line area in particular, are carried out to address direct threats from terrorist organizations in Gaza,” the Israeli military said in a statement to AFP.
The war in Gaza began with Hamas’s attack on Israel on October 7, 2023 that resulted in the deaths of 1,221 people, mostly civilians, according to an AFP tally based on official Israeli figures.
Since the war began, more than 70,000 people have been killed in Gaza, according to the Hamas-run territory’s health ministry.
The vast majority of Gaza’s more than two million residents were displaced during the war, many multiple times.
A fragile ceasefire has been in place since October 10, though both sides regularly accuse each other of violations.
Under the truce, Israeli forces withdrew to positions east of the Yellow Line.
Earlier this month, Israeli army chief Lt. Gen. Eyal Zamir described the Yellow Line as the “new border line” with Israel.
“The Yellow Line is a new border line — serving as a forward defensive line for our communities and a line of operational activity,” he said to reserve soldiers in Gaza.
For Palestinian officials, the line is seen as a tool for permanent displacement.
“The objective is to frighten residents, expel them from their areas, and force them west,” said Alaa Al-Batta, mayor of Khan Yunis, denouncing the bombardments as “violations of the ceasefire agreement.”
Mahmud Baraka, 45, from Khuzaa, east of Khan Yunis, described constant artillery fire and home demolitions in the area.
“It feels like we are still living in a war zone,” he said.
“Explosions happen as if they are right next to us. The objective of the occupation is clear: to intimidate us and drive us out, so the region is emptied.”
For now, residents feel trapped between bombardment and displacement, uncertain how long they can endure.
Despite the danger, Abdel Hamid, 70, refuses to leave his home located north of Khan Yunis, where he lives with his five children.
“We will not leave... this is our land,” he said.
“Moving would not be a solution, but yet another tragedy.”
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