ISLAMABAD: Military experts have poured cold water on Pakistani government plans to move the army’s general headquarters from the garrison city of Rawalpindi to a proposed new Rs.100 billion ($950 million) defense complex next to the air force and navy HQs in Islamabad.
“This seems impossible because the costs are too high,” Shaukat Qadir, a security analyst and former Pakistani infantry officer, told Arab News. Even if it were a serious plan it would take years to materialize, he said.
Rahat Latif, a retired major general, said: “My information is that the GHQ is not going to be shifted from the present location.
“It requires a colossal amount of money, and it is not a joke to shift the GHQ when the country does not have enough resources to finance it.” About 2,450 acres of land acquired for the project was likely to be used for army administration and logistics, he said.
“There is no timeframe given, but this year it’s impossible,” a defense ministry official said, and even 2018 was unlikely.
Defense Secretary Zamir Ul Hassan Shah briefed the Senate Standing Committee on the plan in October. He said an estimated 5,000 families living on their ancestral land were moved when the area became the army’s property in 2005. However, a report based on a city development authority document claimed the land was actually allocated in 1981.
Hassan said the defense complex would be financed by the army, but military analyst Dr. Ayesha Siddiqa said the army may ask the government to bankroll the project. “This money could be used … for repaying the country’s debt,” she told Arab News.
Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR), the army’s media arm, declined to comment. The ISPR building itself has been magnificently rebuilt, leaving no trace of its previous colonial era architecture. “Not sure, can’t say anything about it,” an army officer said when asked if ISPR would be moving along with the GHQ.
Reports from 2005, citing the then-ISPR Director General, say the decision to build the new military headquarters in Islamabad was ordered by Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto on March 29, 1972, a matter which was raised following the communication breakdown between the combined military services during the 1965 India-Pakistan war.
The idea was to build a “Pentagon kind of a structure,” which would make it easy to pass files, but “if you don’t have conceptual clarity … and conceptual integration then physical proximity is not going to change things,” said Siddiqa. The army considered itself superior to the other two defense services and was usually not willing to share information with them, she said. “The other problem I see is that there would be so much security around the GHQ, it would make life for the people in Islamabad quite difficult.”
The move from the inadequate and aging GHQ facility, built in 1852, was originally envisaged by the mid-1990s. However, delays and unknown issues hampered the plan.
Work on the defense complex was suspended indefinitely by the then army chief Gen. Ashfaq Pervez Kayani in October 2008, owing to a cash-strapped economy. Pakistan’s economic situation has worsened since then.
Experts dismiss $950m plan for new Pakistan army GHQ
Experts dismiss $950m plan for new Pakistan army GHQ
Separated twice: An Afghan man’s life in Pakistan and the fear of losing home again
- Lost as a child in Peshawar, Mohammad Rahim Khan built a life in Pakistan but remains undocumented
- Deportation drive of ‘illegal’ foreigners exposes legal gaps around adoption, marriage, refugee status
ISLAMABAD: Mohammad Rahim Khan was five years old when he last saw his mother.
It was at the Hajji Camp bus stop in Pakistan’s northwestern city of Peshawar, more than four decades ago. His mother, an Afghan refugee fleeing war, had brought him across the Tari Mangal border in Kurram district and into Pakistan. While waiting at the crowded terminal, Khan wandered to a nearby toy shop. When he returned, she was gone.
He searched for her for two days. She never came back.
A local shopkeeper, Ali Muhammad, took pity on the child and brought him home, promising to help find his family. The temporary shelter became permanent. Khan grew up in Pakistan, adopted informally into the household, and never returned to Afghanistan.
Now 45, he lives on the outskirts of Islamabad in a modest two-room house, working as a daily wage laborer. But a nationwide deportation drive launched by Pakistan in 2023 has placed his entire life under threat.
Since November 2023, authorities have deported nearly 2 million Afghan nationals, targeting those without legal documentation. Khan, who has remained undocumented throughout his adult life, fears he may soon be among them.
“I spoke to my lawyer that I am very worried,” Khan told Arab News. “I love Pakistan.”
A FAMILY WITHOUT PAPERS
Ali Muhammad later married Khan to his daughter, Gul Mina. Together, they have six children, four daughters and two sons. Yet despite decades in Pakistan, Khan’s Afghan nationality continues to shadow the family.
Khan never held an Afghan refugee card, Afghan Citizen Card (ACC), Proof of Registration (POR), or any other formal documentation. His family assumed for decades that his informal adoption, marriage to a Pakistani citizen, and long residence would provide sufficient legal standing. They only sought legal advice when the deportation drive began threatening separation.
Without a Pakistani national identity card, his children cannot obtain Form-B, the birth registration document required for school enrolment.
“They [children] are told to get a Form-B,” Gul Mina told Arab News. “Otherwise, they will not go to school.”
Three of their daughters were forced to leave school after eighth grade.
Healthcare has also been affected. When Khan’s 13-year-old son, Ehsanullah, fractured his arm, a public hospital refused to issue a registration card without identity documents.
“Then I went to a [private clinic] in Chak Shahzad and got my treatment there,” Khan said.
The family has petitioned the Islamabad High Court to block his deportation. Lawyers say the case highlights how thousands of long-term residents fall through legal cracks created by Pakistan’s citizenship, refugee and documentation framework.
LEGAL GREY ZONE
Pakistan does not legally recognize Western-style adoption. Instead, it uses a guardianship system under the 1890 Guardians and Wards Act, aligning with Islamic principles that preserve lineage, so adopted children don’t inherit or change their family name but receive care, education and welfare through court-appointed guardianship.
“Because we don’t have a legal pathway for adoption per se, the adopted child does not get citizenship of the adopting parents automatically,” said Advocate Umer Ijaz Gillani, a legal expert on citizenship.
Years earlier, Khan’s father-in-law had offered to register him as his biological son to obtain identity documents, but Khan refused, calling the move fraudulent. Because Khan later married his father-in-law’s daughter, both he and his wife cannot legally list the same person as their father on official records, leaving them without a lawful workaround.
Marriage offers no certainty either. Pakistan’s Citizenship Act of 1951 grants citizenship to foreign women married to Pakistani men, but is silent on foreign husbands married to Pakistani women.
While higher courts have, at times, ruled in favor of such men, implementation has been inconsistent. In October 2025, the Supreme Court struck down a high court order that had directed authorities to grant citizenship to an Afghan man married to a Pakistani woman.
Even the Pakistan Origin Card (POC), a long-term residency document, remains difficult to secure.
“We have experienced that in the case of especially Afghan men who marry Pakistani women, the government authorities are often reluctant to recognize this right,” Gillani said.
According to submissions made by government officials in court, authorities have received at least 117 applications for nationality from Afghan men married to Pakistani women following directives issued by the Peshawar High Court, reflecting a broader pattern rather than isolated cases.
‘NO RELAXATION’
Officials say the deportation policy allows no exceptions.
“No relaxation has been granted by the government, including for those who’ve married to Pakistani citizens,” said Asmatullah Shah, the chief commissionerate for Afghan refugees.
“If they want to live here, they should go back and apply for a visa and then they can come here with valid documentation.”
Legal experts note that deportation would send Khan to Afghanistan despite having no known relatives there, and that returning legally would require obtaining an Afghan passport and a Pakistani visa, costs far beyond the means of a daily wage laborer.
For Khan’s mother-in-law, Husn Pari, who raised him for decades as her own son, the prospect is devastating.
“When I am not able to meet [Khan] for one day, my day does not pass,” she said. “His own mother, how much pain must she be in?”
For Khan, the fear of deportation echoes the trauma of his childhood.
“Before I was separated from my first mother,” he said. “The second time I will be separated from my second mother. This is very difficult for me.”
