US demands Iran’s ‘undeclared nuclear sites’ to be inspected

Technicians measuring parts of Iran's Bushehr nuclear power plant in this file photo. (AP)
Updated 31 August 2017
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US demands Iran’s ‘undeclared nuclear sites’ to be inspected

VIENNA: The US is pushing UN nuclear inspectors to check military sites in Iran to verify it is not breaching its nuclear deal with world powers. But for this to happen, inspectors must believe such checks are necessary and so far they do not, officials say.
Last week, US Ambassador to the UN Nikki Haley visited the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), which is scrutinizing compliance with the 2015 agreement, as part of a review of the pact by the administration of President Donald Trump. He has called it “the worst deal ever negotiated.”
After her talks with officials of the UN nuclear watchdog, Haley said: “There are ... numerous undeclared sites that have not been inspected. That is a problem.” Iran dismissed her demands as “merely a dream.”
The IAEA has the authority to request access to facilities in Iran, including military ones, if there are new and credible indications of banned nuclear activities there, according to officials from the agency and signatories to the deal.
But they said Washington has not provided such indications to back up its pressure on the IAEA to make such a request.
“We’re not going to visit a military site like Parchin just to send a political signal,” an IAEA official said, mentioning a military base often cited by opponents of the deal including Iran’s arch-adversary Israel and Trump’s Republican Party. The deal was hatched under his Democratic predecessor Barack Obama.
IAEA Director-General Yukiya Amano frequently describes his Vienna-based agency as a technical rather than a political one, underscoring the need for its work to be based on facts alone.
The accord restricts Iran’s atomic activities with a view to keeping the Islamic Republic a year’s work away from having enough enriched uranium for a nuclear bomb, should it pull out of the accord and sprint toward making a weapon.
The deal also allows the IAEA to request access to facilities other than the nuclear installations Iran has already declared if it has concerns about banned materials or activities there. But it must present a basis for those concerns.
Those terms are widely understood by officials from the IAEA and member states to mean there must be credible information that arouses suspicion, and IAEA officials have made clear they will not take it at face value.
“We have to be able to vet this information,” a second IAEA official said, asking not to be identified because inspections are sensitive and the agency rarely discusses them publicly.
No new intelligence
Despite Haley’s public comments, she neither asked the IAEA to visit specific sites nor offered new intelligence on any site, officials who attended her meetings said. A US State Department spokesman confirmed this.
“She conveyed that the IAEA will need to continue to robustly exercise its authorities to verify Iran’s declaration and monitor the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action,” the spokesman added, using the deal’s official name.
Under US law, the State Department must notify Congress every 90 days of Iran’s compliance with the deal. The next deadline is October. Trump has said he thinks by then Washington will declare Iran to be non-compliant — a stance at odds with that of other five world powers including US allies in Europe.
An IAEA report published in 2015 as part of the deal formally drew a line under whether Iran pursued nuclear weapons in the past, which is why new information is needed to trigger a request for access.
The IAEA has not visited an Iranian military facility since the agreement was implemented because it has had “no reason to ask” for access, the second agency official said.
The deal’s “Access” section lays out a process that begins with an IAEA request and, if the UN watchdog’s concerns are not resolved, can lead to a vote by the eight members of the deal’s decision-making body — the United States, Iran, Russia, China, France, Britain, Germany and the European Union.
Five votes are needed for a majority, which could comprise the United States and its Western allies. Such a majority decision “would advise on the necessary means to resolve the IAEA’s concerns” and Iran “would implement the necessary means,” the deal’s Access section says.
That process and wording have yet to be put to the test.
But Iran has already made clear that its military sites are off limits, raising the risk of a stand-off if a request for access were put to a vote. That adds to the pressure to be clear on the grounds for an initial request.
“If they want to bring down the deal, they will,” the first IAEA official said, referring to the Trump administration. “We just don’t want to give them an excuse to.”
During its decade-long impasse with world powers over its nuclear program, Iran repeatedly refused IAEA visits to military sites, saying they had nothing to do with nuclear activity and so were beyond the IAEA’s purview.
Shortly after the 2015 deal, Iran allowed inspectors to check its Parchin military complex, where Western security services believe Tehran carried out tests relevant to nuclear bomb detonations more than a decade ago. Iran has denied this.
Iran has placed its military bases off limits also because of what it calls the risk that IAEA findings could find their way to US and Israeli intelligence services.


Sudan defense minister dismisses ‘intelligence document’ as fabrication after convoy strike

Updated 12 February 2026
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Sudan defense minister dismisses ‘intelligence document’ as fabrication after convoy strike

  • Gen. Hassan Kabroun tells Arab News claims that army hid weapons in aid convoy are “completely false”

RIYADH: Sudan’s defense minister has firmly denied reports attributed to Sudanese intelligence alleging that a convoy targeted in North Kordofan was secretly transporting weapons under the cover of humanitarian aid.

Gen. Hassan Kabroun described the claims as “false” and an attempt to distract from what he called a militia crime.

The controversy erupted after news reports emerged that a document attributed to Sudan’s General Intelligence Service claimed the convoy struck in Al-Rahad on Friday was not a purely humanitarian mission, but was instead carrying “high-quality weapons and ammunition” destined for Sudanese Armed Forces units operating in the state.

The report further alleged that the convoy had been outwardly classified as humanitarian in order to secure safe passage through conflict zones, and that the Rapid Support Forces had destroyed it after gathering intelligence on its route and cargo.

Kabroun categorically rejected the narrative.

“First of all, we would like to stress the fact that this news is false,” he told Arab News. “Even the headline that talks about the security of the regions, such as Al-Dabbah, is not a headline the army would use.”

He described the document as fabricated and politically motivated, saying it was designed to “cover up the heinous crime they committed.”

The minister affirmed that the area targeted by drones is under full control of the Sudanese Armed Forces and does not require any covert military transport.

“Second, we confirm that the region that was targeted by drones is controlled by the army and very safe,” Kabroun said. “It does not require transporting any military equipment using aid convoys as decoys because it is a safe area controlled by the army, which has significant capabilities to transport humanitarian aid.”

According to the minister, the Sudanese military has both the logistical capacity and secure routes necessary to move equipment openly when needed.

“The army is professional and does not need to deliver anything to Kadugli or Dalang on board aid convoys,” he said. “The road between Dalang and Kadugli is open. The Sudanese forces used that road to enter and take control of the region. The road is open and whenever military trucks need to deliver anything, they can do so without resorting to any form of camouflage.”

Kabroun further rejected any suggestion that the military uses humanitarian operations as cover.

“Aid is transported by dedicated relief vehicles to the areas in need of this assistance,” he said. “Aid is not transported by the army. The army and security apparatus do not interfere with relief efforts at all, and do not even accompany the convoys.”

He stressed that the Sudanese Armed Forces maintains a clear institutional separation between military operations and humanitarian work, particularly amid the country’s crisis.

“These are false claims,” he said. “This fake news wanted to cover up the heinous crime they committed.”

Sudan has been gripped by conflict since April 2023, when fighting broke out between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces, plunging the country into what the United Nations has described as one of the world’s worst humanitarian disasters.

The latest dispute over the convoy comes amid intensified fighting in South Kordofan, a strategically sensitive region linking central Sudan with the contested areas of Darfur and Blue Nile.

The false report suggested that intelligence monitoring had enabled the RSF to strike what it described as a military convoy disguised as humanitarian aid. But Kabroun dismissed that version outright.

“The intelligence agency is well aware of its duties,” he said. “The Sudanese Army has enough weapons and equipment to use in the areas of operations. These claims are completely false.”

He argued that the narrative being circulated seeks to shift blame for attacks on civilian infrastructure and humanitarian movements.

“This shows that they are trying to cover up the atrocities,” he added, referring to the militia.

Kabroun maintained that the army has regained momentum on multiple fronts and remains fully capable of sustaining its operations without resorting to deception.

“The region is secure, the roads are open, and the army does not need camouflage,” he said. “We are operating professionally and transparently.”

“These claims are completely false,” Kabroun said. “The Sudanese Army does not use humanitarian convoys for military purposes.”