GABES, Tunisia: Next to a palm grove, a blackish mud flows into the sea. After years of living with industrial pollution, residents of Tunisia’s Gabes are fighting back.
Close to the Chott Essalem beach and in front of a rare coastal oasis, the state-owned Tunisian Chemical Group (GCT) has been processing phosphate since the 1970s.
The authorities say the plant pumps 14,000 tons of phosphogypsum into the sea every day. On top of the toxic mud, the factory also pumps phosphoric acid into the air.
“In the past, our town was clean,” says Moncef Ben Ayadi, a 52-year-old carpenter who lives in Nezla, close to the plant.
But “since the company arrived, Gabes has become a victim city.”
Residents blame it for a long list of woes: chronic fatigue, breathing problems, pollution of the water and soil, and destruction of biodiversity.
Many are sure that pollution from the factory is the cause of a local surge in cancer cases, a claim the government rejects.
“According to studies carried out by the Health Ministry, there is no causal relationship between illnesses such as cancer and asthma and the pollution caused by the chemical plant,” said Mongi Thameur, governor of Gabes.
But many residents are skeptical.
Sabeh Moumen, 47, a local restaurateur, is convinced her asthma was caused by the pollution.
Still mourning her brother’s death from cancer three months ago, Sabeh says that in Gabes, “we no longer have any hope of living in a clean environment or eating anything healthy.”
The Gulf of Gabes is an important spawning ground for Mediterranean fish.
But phosphate mining and processing, industries that are important for Tunisia’s economy, have left it heavily polluted.
The question was long off limits for discussion. But campaigners have organized protests in recent years and demanded the complex be relocated.
They have protested by setting up tents in front of an entrance to the complex.
“The situation is catastrophic,” says Khaled Hassanet, 24, who was taking part in a sit-in outside the building.
“The state has prioritized its economic interests to the detriment of people’s health,” he added, as thick white smoke billowed from the production units.
The authorities say they are taking steps to address the issue.
In late June, Prime Minister Youssef Chahed said the complex would be gradually dismantled and replaced by a “new industrial zone conforming to international (environmental) standards.”
The project is expected to cost between $1.4 billion and $1.6 billion and take at least eight years.
The location of the new site is to be decided by December.
“With this project, the Gulf of Gabes and its beaches, including Chott Essalem, will be liberated,” Thameur said, adding that it could attract tourists in the future.
But activists have their doubts.
“There are no guarantees,” Debaya says.
“For years, there have been decisions and promises, but they’ve never been carried through.”
Tunisian beachside town fights industrial pollution
Tunisian beachside town fights industrial pollution
A ceasefire holds in Syria but civilians live with fear and resentment
- The Arab-majority population in the areas that changed hands, Raqqa and Deir Ezzor, have celebrated the SDF’s withdrawal after largely resenting its rule
- But thousands of Kurdish residents of those areas fled, and non-Kurdish residents remain in Kurdish-majority enclaves still controlled by the SDF
QAMISHLI: Fighting this month between Syria’s government and Kurdish-led forces left civilians on either side of the frontline fearing for their future or harboring resentment as the country’s new leaders push forward with transition after years of civil war.
The fighting ended with government forces capturing most of the territory previously held by the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces in the country’s northeast, and a fragile ceasefire is holding. SDF fighters will be absorbed into Syria’s army and police, ending months of disputes.
The Arab-majority population in the areas that changed hands, Raqqa and Deir Ezzor, have celebrated the SDF’s withdrawal after largely resenting its rule.
But thousands of Kurdish residents of those areas fled, and non-Kurdish residents remain in Kurdish-majority enclaves still controlled by the SDF. The International Organization for Migration has registered more than 173,000 people displaced.
Fleeing again and again
Subhi Hannan is among them, sleeping in a chilly schoolroom in the SDF-controlled city of Qamishli with his wife, three children and his mother after fleeing Raqqa.
The family is familiar with displacement after the years of civil war under former President Bashar Assad. They were first displaced from their hometown of Afrin in 2018, in an offensive by Turkish-backed rebels. Five years later, Hannan stepped on a land mine and lost his legs.
During the insurgent offensive that ousted Assad in December 2024, the family fled again, landing in Raqqa.
In the family’s latest flight this month, Hannan said their convoy was stopped by government fighters, who arrested most of their escort of SDF fighters and killed one. Hannan said fighters also took his money and cell phone and confiscated the car the family was riding in.
“I’m 42 years old and I’ve never seen something like this,” Hannan said. “I have two amputated legs, and they were hitting me.”
Now, he said, “I just want security and stability, whether it’s here or somewhere else.”
The father of another family in the convoy, Khalil Ebo, confirmed the confrontation and thefts by government forces, and said two of his sons were wounded in the crossfire.
Syria’s defense ministry in a statement acknowledged “a number of violations of established laws and disciplinary regulations” by its forces during this month’s offensive and said it is taking legal action against perpetrators.
A change from previous violence
The level of reported violence against civilians in the clashes between government and SDF fighters has been far lower than in fighting last year on Syria’s coast and in the southern province of Sweida. Hundreds of civilians from the Alawite and Druze religious minorities were killed in revenge attacks, many of them carried out by government-affiliated fighters.
This time, government forces opened “humanitarian corridors” in several areas for Kurdish and other civilians to flee. Areas captured by government forces, meanwhile, were largely Arab-majority with populations that welcomed their advance.
One term of the ceasefire says government forces should not enter Kurdish-majority cities and towns. But residents of Kurdish enclaves remain fearful.
The city of Kobani, surrounded by government-controlled territory, has been effectively besieged, with residents reporting cuts to electricity and water and shortages of essential supplies. A UN aid convoy entered the enclave for the first time Sunday.
On the streets of SDF-controlled Qamishli, armed civilians volunteered for overnight patrols to watch for any attack.
“We left and closed our businesses to defend our people and city,” said one volunteer, Suheil Ali. “Because we saw what happened in the coast and in Sweida and we don’t want that to be repeated here.”
Resentment remains
On the other side of the frontline in Raqqa, dozens of Arab families waited outside Al-Aqtan prison and the local courthouse over the weekend to see if loved ones would be released after SDF fighters evacuated the facilities.
Many residents of the region believe Arabs were unfairly targeted by the SDF and often imprisoned on trumped-up charges.
At least 126 boys under the age of 18 were released from the prison Saturday after government forces took it over.
Issa Mayouf from the village of Al-Hamrat, was waiting with his wife outside the courthouse Sunday for word about their 18-year-old son, who was arrested four months ago. Mayouf said he was accused of supporting a terrorist organization after SDF forces found Islamic chants as well as images on his phone mocking SDF commander Mazloum Abdi.
“SDF was a failure as a government,” Mayouf said “And there were no services. Look at the streets, the infrastructure, the education. It was all zero.”
Northeast Syria has oil and gas reserves and some of the country’s most fertile agricultural land. The SDF “had all the wealth of the country and they did nothing with it for the country,” Mayouf said.
Mona Yacoubian, director of the Middle East Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, said Kurdish civilians in besieged areas are terrified of “an onslaught and even atrocities” by government forces or allied groups.
But Arabs living in formerly SDF-controlled areas “also harbor deep fears and resentment toward the Kurds based on accusations of discrimination, intimidation, forced recruitment and even torture while imprisoned,” she said.
“The experience of both sides underscores the deep distrust and resentment across Syria’s diverse society that threatens to derail the country’s transition,” Yacoubian said.
She added it’s now on the government of interim Syrian President Ahmad Al-Sharaa to strike a balance between demonstrating its power and creating space for the country’s anxious minorities to have a say in their destiny.









