‘Christianity in Palestine is not separate from Palestinian identity,’ Rev. Dr. Munther Isaac tells Arab News

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Rev. Dr. Munther Isaac. (Supplied)
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Palestinian wearing a Santa Claus costume holds a candle during a rally to pay tribute to Palestinians who were killed by Israeli troops, on Christmas day in Gaza City December 25, 2015. (File/Reuters)
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Fireworks explode during a Christmas tree lighting ceremony outside the Church of the Nativity in the West Bank town of Bethlehem December 3, 2016. (File/Reuters)
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Greek Orthodox Archbishop Alexios holds an Orthodox Christmas mass at the Saint Porfirios church in Gaza City January 7, 2018. (File/Reuters)
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Palestinian boys hold candles as they attend an Orthodox Christmas mass at the Saint Porfirios church in Gaza City January 7, 2018. (File/Reuters)
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Installation shows a figure symbolizing baby Jesus lying amidst the rubble in a grotto ahead of Christmas at the Evangelical Lutheran Church, in Bethlehem, in Israeli-occupied West Bank, December 24, 2023. (Reuters)
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Installation shows a figure symbolizing baby Jesus lying amidst the rubble in a grotto ahead of Christmas at the Evangelical Lutheran Church, in Bethlehem, in Israeli-occupied West Bank, December 24, 2023. (Reuters)
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Israeli troops carry out car search on Palestinian entering town of Beit Sahour where residents refused to pay taxes, on October 17, 1989. (Reuters)
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Palestinian doubles in pain after being kicked in stomach by Israeli soldier who is pointing at him, in town of Beit Sahour whose inhabitants refused to pay taxes, on Oct. 31, 1989. (Reuters)
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Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem Archbishop Pierbattista Pizzaballa and Greek Orthodox Patriarch of Jerusalem, Theophilos III visit the Church of the Holy Family which was hit in an Israeli strike, in Gaza City July 18, 2025. (Reuters)
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Updated 25 December 2025
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‘Christianity in Palestine is not separate from Palestinian identity,’ Rev. Dr. Munther Isaac tells Arab News

  • Isaac’s childhood in Beit Sahour during the First Intifada shaped a faith deeply rooted in Palestinian lived experience
  • His advocacy helped Arab evangelical leaders unite in rejecting Christian Zionism and affirming Palestinian rights

RAMALLAH: When Rev. Dr. Munther Isaac speaks about resistance, he does not begin with theology. He begins with memory.

Growing up in the Palestinian town of Beit Sahour, often referred to as the Shepherd’s field, during the First Intifada, Isaac remembers fear and excitement intertwined — the thrill of collective action and the dread of military retaliation.

Beit Sahour, a predominantly Christian town southeast of Bethlehem, became known internationally in the late 1980s for its campaign of nonviolent civil disobedience under the slogan “No taxation without representation.”

“I was a child,” Isaac recalls. “I remember the excitement of participating in the popular committees — and the fear. Fear of being shot, fear of soldiers coming to the house.”

The resistance was not abstract. It reached directly into his family’s life. Israeli authorities confiscated the family car in exchange for unpaid taxes from their pharmacy.

Soldiers raided homes across the town, seizing televisions and appliances. When they came to the Isaacs’ house, they found little — the family had hidden their belongings at a relative’s home.

“They asked my father where the television was,” Isaac told Arab News. “He told them it was broken.” The Israeli soldiers scoffed, saying it seems “all the televisions in Beit Sahour are broken.”

These childhood memories — of curfews, neighbors sharing bread, families running from house to house to survive — would later form the emotional foundation of Isaac’s theology: a faith inseparable from lived reality.

Though young, Isaac remembers clearly the first martyrs of Beit Sahour.

He recalls Edmond Ghanem, who was killed when a stone dropped by Israeli soldiers from a rooftop struck his head, and Iyad Abu Sa’da, who was shot by Israelis and whose death left a deep mark on the community.

“These were not distant events,” Isaac said. “They happened in front of our homes, in our streets. Even as children, we felt it.”

The First Intifada shaped not only Isaac’s political consciousness, but his understanding of faith as something public, communal, and rooted in responsibility and sacrifice. That understanding would later define his ministry.

Long before his sermons reached global audiences, Isaac was known locally for something quieter: music.

As a young man, he led the Bethlehem Bible College choir which participated in Christmas celebrations in Bethlehem’s Manger Square. The choir members sang carols wearing the Palestinian keffiyeh and traditional embroidered Palestinian dress.

“This was intentional,” he said. “Christianity in Palestine is not separate from Palestinian identity. We are as proud of our nationality as we are of our faith.”

For Isaac, hymn-singing was never escapist. It was rooted in place and history.

“Singing was born here,” he said. “David sang in Bethlehem. The angels at Christmas sang praises for the birth of Christ. So we have been continuing a tradition thousands of years old.”

Years later, Isaac would co-lead one of the most consequential faith-based initiatives to emerge from Palestine: the “Christ at the Checkpoint” conference.

Launched with Alex Awad, a Palestinian-American pastor and dean of students at the Bethlehem Bible College, the conference posed a deceptively simple question: If Christ were standing at a military checkpoint today, where would he stand?

“The idea was to connect faith to reality,” Isaac said. “To challenge theological interpretations that ignore the lived experience of Palestinians.”

The conference directly confronted Christian Zionism — a theological movement, particularly influential among Western evangelicals, that offers unconditional religious support for Israel.

Rather than engaging in abstract doctrinal debates, “Christ at the Checkpoint” focused on consequences: how theology shapes policy, politics, and daily life.

Over time, the conference grew beyond evangelical dialogue. It became a platform for Palestinian Christian voices to challenge racism, colonialism, and theological frameworks that sanctify oppression.

“Hundreds participated in each edition,” Isaac said. “And I am convinced it planted seeds. What we see today — cracks in the once-solid wall of evangelical Zionism — did not happen overnight.”

If “Christ at the Checkpoint” challenged theology, “Christ in the Rubble” shattered complacency.

The phrase emerged from a sermon Isaac delivered in Bethlehem shortly after the Israeli bombing of Gaza’s St. Porphyrius Church, one of the world’s oldest Christian sites, in October 2023.

Members of his own congregation were grieving. A woman had lost her sister in the attack.

Isaac turned to the crucifix. “I see God under the rubble, in the operating rooms, with the afflicted,” he told the congregation.

The phrase spread rapidly. “God is under the rubble” became a viral expression, adopted far beyond its original context.

When Bethlehem’s churches debated whether to cancel Christmas celebrations amid the devastation in Gaza, Isaac proposed an alternative: a nativity scene made of rubble. The infant Jesus was wrapped in a keffiyeh.

“It wasn’t meant as a political provocation,” he said. “It was a message of faith. Christ stands in solidarity with the suffering — because he was born into suffering.”

The image reverberated around the world, transforming Isaac into an unexpected global figure.

“Suddenly there were cameras everywhere,” he said. “And I remember telling journalists: ‘Why are you here? The story is Gaza. My soul is in Gaza.’”

Yet the visibility mattered. For many, the image became an entry point — not only into Gaza’s suffering, but into the existence of Palestinian Christians.

“It reached people who had never paid attention before,” Isaac told Arab News. “Unfortunately, an image in Bethlehem moved them more than real images from Gaza.”

The response was not limited to the West. Across the Arab world, many expressed surprise — and gratitude — at seeing Palestinian Christian voices so clearly aligned with their people.

“There is still a lack of awareness about Palestinian Christians,” Isaac said. “This moment helped change that.”

The symbolism drew criticism. During a visit to Bethlehem, Germany’s ambassador questioned Isaac for dressing Christ in a keffiyeh rather than an Israeli flag after the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas-led attack.

Isaac’s response was measured but firm.

“When Israeli children were killed, the world showed solidarity. Israeli flags were placed on landmarks across Europe, including the Berlin wall,” he told the diplomat. “Thousands more children have since been killed in Gaza. Where is that solidarity?”

For Isaac, the keffiyeh represented humanity, not exclusion.

“I see the image of Christ in every child in Gaza,” he said, invoking the Gospel of Matthew: “Whatever you did for the least of these, you did for me.”

The momentum culminated in a landmark collective statement signed by Arab evangelical leaders across the Middle East, rejecting Christian Zionism and affirming Palestinian rights.

The Aug. 5, 2024, document, “A collective call to the global church from Middle East evangelical leaders,” called on Christians everywhere to restore unity in the body of Christ, which has been hurt due to the distorted view of Western church leaders.

Isaac insisted that this was not just a Palestinian document. “It was a Middle Eastern evangelical one arguing that Christian Zionism undermines the credibility and safety of Christians throughout the region — and contradicts the Gospel itself.”

Many supporters, Isaac said, were private rather than public. Financial ties, political resentments, and Western institutional influence all play a role, he believes, in silencing dissent.

Despite continued high-profile visits by pro-Israel evangelical leaders to Jerusalem, including 1,000 US pastors that came in solidarity with the Israeli government, Isaac sees these as signs of decline rather than strength.

“They are trying to salvage what they can,” he said. “But the change is real, especially among young Christians.” The task ahead, he argued, is theological.

“We must provide material for those who feel this alliance is wrong but lack the language to challenge it,” Isaac said. “The Bible does not command Christians to support injustice.”

xmas2025Now based in Ramallah, Isaac continues his pastoral work amid new opportunities and challenges. Lighting a red Advent candle as part of a global church campaign, he emphasized continuity and presence.

“The message is simple,” he said. “We are still here.”

While Ramallah offers greater diplomatic and media exposure, Isaac insisted his priorities remain pastoral — especially youth ministry.

“I don’t want to be known only as a public figure.” He said: “What matters to me is being a good pastor.”

From Beit Sahour’s nonviolent resistance to Gaza’s rubble, Munther Isaac’s journey reflects a theology forged not in abstraction, but in lived Palestinian reality — a faith that insists God is found not in power, but in solidarity.

 


Retouched images of Israel’s first lady, distributed by the state, ignite a fiery ethics debate

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Retouched images of Israel’s first lady, distributed by the state, ignite a fiery ethics debate

JERUSALEM: The photos seemed destined for posterity in Israel’s state archives.
In the snapshots, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is joined by his wife, Sara, as well as US Ambassador Mike Huckabee and a group of Israeli soldiers, as they light Hannukah candles at Western Wall, the holiest site where Jews pray. The leaders exchange triumphant looks.
But something is off.
Sara Netanyahu’s skin is poreless, her eyes overly defined and her hair perfectly coiffed — a look officials acknowledge is the result of heavy retouching.
Critics say the issue isn’t the use of photo-editing software, which is common on the social media accounts of celebrities and public figures. They say it’s the circulation of the images in official government announcements, which distorts reality, violates ethical codes and risks compromising official archiving and record-keeping efforts.
“All the pictures to this day in the archives in Israel are authentic pictures of reality as it was captured by the lenses of photographers’ cameras since the establishment of the state,” said Shabi Gatenio, the veteran political journalist who broke the story in The Seventh Eye, an Israeli site that covers local media. “These images, if entered into the database, will forever infect it with a virtual reality that never existed.”
Since the manipulation of images was revealed, the government has taken the unprecedented step of crediting Sara Netanyahu in its releases that include manipulated images. And it’s not clear if official archive will include images of her taken during the second half of last year, when Gatenio said the editing appears to have begun.
The first lady’s personal spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment.
Nitzan Chen, director of the Government Press Office, told The Associated Press that images of the prime minister are never manipulated and that his office would not upload any retouched photos to the official archive.
Personal Photoshop habit enters political realm
Sara Netanyahu, 67, has long used photo-editing software on her images. Her social media account is filled with images in which her face appears heavily retouched.
But the topic raised eyebrows since her Photoshop habit entered the public record.
Gatenio said he first noticed this last July, when the couple visited President Donald Trump in Washington, D.C., and again in September, as Sara Netanyahu joined her husband on the tarmac ahead of a trip to New York for the UN General Assembly.
At the time, the prime minister’s office released a video of the send-off along with a photo, credited to Avi Ohayon, an official government photographer.
Comparing the photo to the raw video, Hany Farid, a digital forensics expert at the University of California, Berkeley, said the image had been post-processed, bearing local manipulations to smooth the first lady’s skin and remove wrinkles.
Since then, photos showing the first lady meeting with Vice President JD Vance and his wife, Usha, in Washington also appear to have been retouched, Farid said.
“There’s been some Photoshop editing to — let’s call it — ‘beautify,’ lighten, smooth the face,” Farid said.
“Is it nefarious? No. Is it a problem? Yes. This is about something bigger than, ‘she Photoshopped her face to make herself look younger.’ This is about trust. Why should I trust any official photo coming out of that administration?”
Chen, the head of the Government Press Office, said office lawyers are trying to determine how to handle and properly identify photos “processed by people other than GPO photographers.”
He said the Justice Ministry is also examining the “criteria, limitations and possibilities” of the edited images, though he stressed there is nothing illegal about touching up photos. The issue, he said, is being transparent when such changes are made.
For now, his office has decided to add Sara Netanyahu’s name to press releases that include retouched images. Since November, press releases showing photos of her smiling next to Trump and the family of the last hostage in Gaza in Washington, visiting a Miami synagogue and attending a funeral for an Israeli mayor have included this label.
At least one outlet, the Times of Israel, has said it will no longer carry official state photos that appear to have been manipulated. The Associated Press does not publish images that appear to have been retouched or digitally manipulated.
A broader phenomenon
Chen said the prime minister is never edited: “No Photoshop, no corrections, no color. Nothing.”
While his face may not be retouched, the prime minister’s official Instagram account tells another story.
The page has posted a bevy of content that appears to be AI-edited or generated, including a picture of the couple with Trump and first lady Melania Trump celebrating the new year in Washington.
The photo raised suspicions in Israel because it shows Sara Netanyahu wearing a black dress absent from other photos of the event, where she wore a dark red frock. Appearing in the sky above the couples are brightly colored fireworks and American and Israeli flags that Farid said were “almost certainly” generated by AI.
It is now marked with a tag on Instagram indicating that it may have been altered or generated using AI. It is not clear when the tag was added nor by whom.
Netanyahu is not alone. Many world figures, including Trump, use AI-generated image manipulation frequently in their public output.
Tehilla Shwartz Altshuler, who runs the “Democracy in the Digital Age Program,” at the Israel Democracy Institute, a Jerusalem think tank, called it “part of the populist playbook” and said there was “no question” that Netanyahu was emulating how Trump uses the technology.
Netanyahu’s official Instagram has posted video of Trump and Netanyahu in a B-2 bomber that appears entirely AI-generated. It is captioned “on our victory lap,” referencing the joint Israel-US attacks on Iran last year.
“This is exactly what Netanyahu and his surrounding circle have tried to do for many years,” she said. “Presenting himself as a superhero, his wife as a supermodel, their family as a super loyal family. Even when it wasn’t the case, even at the expense of actual political work, administrative work and social work.”
She said Israel has reached a critical point in official government record-keeping and communications.
“The question of archiving the truth, archiving history, will be one of the questions of our time.”