As Iraqi politicians gear up for election, public disillusion sets in again

A man walks past campaign posters displayed on a street in Mosul. (Reuters)
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Updated 01 November 2025
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As Iraqi politicians gear up for election, public disillusion sets in again

BAGHDAD: Iraqis are bracing for yet another election they fear will change little, with many seeing the pro-reform campaign banners for the Nov. 11 vote as empty gestures from elites who have delivered little since the 2003 US-led invasion.
Years of corruption, high unemployment, and poor public services have blighted daily life since then, even as democratic elections have become standard following decades of repressive dictatorship under Saddam Hussein.
Iraqis complain that many of their leaders are too engaged in rivalry for sectarian power to tackle Iraq’s problems — despite its vast oil wealth.
Despite the election billboards and banners trumpeting change, for much of the public, the election outcome feels predetermined, serving merely to keep Iraq’s political balance in the hands of the same sectarian elites.
Said Hatem, a Baghdad resident, voiced skepticism about the prospects for change. 
“You see the advertisement on the streets ... but they have been ruling for 20–25 years. How do you make me trust you?” he said.
Iraq’s Independent High Electoral Commission has approved 7,768 candidates to run for parliament, including 2,248 women and 5,520 men. It said campaigning was authorized from Oct. 3 to Nov. 8.
The vote will test confidence in Iraq’s political system, which has failed to make good on pledges to improve basic services and fight graft in a country where Iraqis say vast oil revenues only benefit the political elite.

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The Independent High Electoral Commission has approved 7,768 candidates to run for Iraq’s parliament, including 2,248 women and 5,520 men.

Prime Minister Mohammed Shia Al-Sudani and his party will be competing mostly against other dominant, Shiite factions.
Frustration has been heightened by a resurgence in political tension, including the killing of parliamentary candidate Safa Al-Mashhadani, who had leveled criticism at everything from state corruption to militias he said were trying to take over his hometown.
Tabark Tariq Al-Azzawi, a candidate for the Iraqi Progress Party, said she had received threats and increasingly feared for her safety.
“I hope this phase will pass without any further losses or assassinations, whether of candidates or ordinary citizens. I hope that security and safety will prevail always,” she said.
Reuters could not independently verify the motive or details of Al-Mashhadani’s killing.
Authorities have since stepped up protection measures for candidates, with arrests made and investigations continuing, according to Iraq’s main security spokesman Gen. Saad Maan.
Many Iraqis believe that real change through elections is nearly impossible because the same powerful political groups continue to dominate the state and its vast energy resources.
These parties are often backed by armed factions close to Iran who control key institutions, government contracts, and public funds.
Voters say this allows ruling alliances to orchestrate election outcomes in their favor, and only their supporters get through a patronage system — allegations these parties deny.
An Iraqi tribal leader, Sheikh Abdul Jaber Hamoud, criticized what he described as the tendency to improve government outreach and public services only during election cycles while most Iraqis were neglected at other times.
“I believe the political process is no longer a democratic one; rather, it has become a political process manipulated in favor of specific groups from 2003 to this day,” said political analyst Qais Al-Zubaidi.
“Citizens strive for change, but this change is extremely difficult to achieve in the presence of uncontrolled weapons.”
Back in 2003, US officials thought that toppling Saddam would set Iraq on a path to the freedom and prosperity enjoyed by all communities in the country.
Instead, a pro-Saddam insurgency emerged, followed by militants and a sectarian civil war that gave rise to the more extremist Daesh terrorists.
Few politicians have raised hopes of a better life, even years after the sectarian bloodshed subsided.


As Iran conflict spills over, Iraq’s Kurds say ‘this war is not mine’

Updated 58 min 7 sec ago
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As Iran conflict spills over, Iraq’s Kurds say ‘this war is not mine’

  • The Kurds, an ethnic minority with a distinct culture and language, are rooted in the mountainous region spread across Turkiye, Syria, Iraq and Iran
  • “This isn’t my war,” said 58-year-old Satar Barsirini

SORAN, Iraq: On a deserted road not too far from the border between Iran and Iraqi Kurdistan, Satar Barsirini looked up at the sky, now streaked with jets and drones.
Iraq’s Kurdish region has found itself caught in the crossfire of a regional war triggered by US and Israeli attacks on the Islamic republic.
Dressed like the Kurdish fighters he once served alongside, Barsirini still wears the khaki shalwar, fitted jacket and scarf wrapped around his waist.
Though recently retired, he refuses to give up his peshmerga uniform as he tills his small plot of land.
The rumble of jets and hum of drones “come from everywhere. Especially at night,” he told AFP in the hamlet of Barsirini, dozens of kilometers from the border.
He described the “shiver in our flesh” as the drones hit the ground outside.
“I feel bad for the people, because we have paid a lot in blood to liberate Kurdistan... We just want to live.”
Irbil, the autonomous region’s capital, and the valleys leading to the border have been targeted by Tehran and the Iraqi armed groups it supports.
American bases there have come under fire, as have positions held by Iranian Kurdish parties — the same ones US President Donald Trump said it would be “wonderful” to see storm Iran.
But Iran warned on Friday it would target facilities in Iraqi Kurdistan if fighters crossed into its territory.
“This isn’t my war,” said 58-year-old Barsirini.
He recalled the brutal repression and flight into the snowy mountains after the 1991 Kurdish uprising that followed the first Gulf War.

- ‘Dangerous people’ -

The uprising was repressed, leading to an exodus of two million Kurds to Iran and Turkiye.
“When we fled the cities for our lives, we went to Iran. They helped us, they gave us shelter and food,” he said.
The Kurds would not forget that, Barsirini stressed, adding that they could not just “turn against them” now to support the US and Israel.
“I don’t trust (Americans). They are dangerous people,” he said.
The Kurds, an ethnic minority with a distinct culture and language, are rooted in the mountainous region spread across Turkiye, Syria, Iraq and Iran.
They have long fought for their own homeland, but for decades suffered defeats on the battlefield and massacres in their hometowns.
They make up one of Iran’s most important non-Persian ethnic minority groups.
A week of war has gripped daily life in Iraqi Kurdistan, residents told AFP.
“People are afraid,” said Nasr Al-Din, a 42-year-old policeman who, as a child, lived through the 1991 exodus — “thrown on a donkey’s back with my sister.”
“This generation is different from the older ones” that have seen “seen fighting.”
Now, he said, you could be “sitting down in your home... and all of a sudden a drone hits your house.”
“We may have to go into town or somewhere safer,” said Issa Diayri, 31, a truck driver waiting in a roadside garage, his lorry idle for lack of deliveries from Iran.

- ‘Shouldn’t get involved’ -

Soran, a small town of 3,000 people about 65 kilometers (40 miles) from the border, was hit Thursday by a drone that fell in the middle of a street.
There, baker Yussef Ramazan, 42, and his three apprentices, hurriedly made bread before breaking their fast.
But, living so close to the Iranian border, he said “people are afraid to come and buy it.”
He told AFP he did not think it was a good idea “for the Kurdish region to get involved in this war.”
“We are not even an independent country yet. We would like to become one, but we are nothing for now, so we shouldn’t get involved in these situations.”
Across the street, Hajji watched from his empty dry cleaning shop as the road cleared.
Before the war, the town was crowded as evening fell, he said, declining to give his full name.
“But after the drone explosion, no one was here. In five minutes, everyone left the street and no one was out.”