Ivory Coast is losing US aid as Al-Qaeda and other extremist groups are approaching

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Members of a micro-credit cooperative meet in a compound at Kimbirila-Nord, the last village to the Mali border in Ivory Coast, Feb. 22, 2025. (AP Photo/Misper Apawu)e
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A woman works on a farm that was funded by USAID in Kimbirila-Nord, Ivory Coast, Feb. 21, 2025. (AP Photo/Misper Apawu)
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Women work on a farm that was funded by USAID in Kimbirila-Nord, Ivory Coast, Feb. 21, 2025. (AP Photo/Misper Apawu)
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An aerial view shows a farm that was cultivated by a group of women who received funding from USAID to lease the land in Kimbirila-Nord, Ivory Coast, Feb. 21, 2025. (AP Photo/Misper Apawu)
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Updated 17 March 2025
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Ivory Coast is losing US aid as Al-Qaeda and other extremist groups are approaching

  • In Kimbirila-Nord, US funding helped young people get job training, built parks for cattle to graze so they are no longer stolen by jihadis on Malian territory
  • In 2019, President Donald Trump signed the Global Fragility Act that led to the initiatives in northern Ivory Coast
  • In January, Trump ordered a freeze on foreign assistance and a review of all US aid and development work abroad

KIMBIRILA-NORD, Ivory Coast: With its tomato patches and grazing cattle, the Ivory Coast village of Kimbirila-Nord hardly looks like a front line of the global fight against extremism. But after jihadis attacked a nearby community in Mali five years ago and set up a base in a forest straddling the border, the US committed to spending $20 million to counter the spread of Al-Qaeda and the Daesh group here and in dozens of other villages.
The Trump administration’s sweeping foreign aid cuts mean that support is now gone, even as violence in Mali and other countries in the Sahel region south of the Sahara has reached record levels and sent tens of thousands refugees streaming into northern Ivory Coast.
Locals worry they have been abandoned. Diplomats and aid officials said the termination of aid jeopardizes counterterrorism efforts and weakens US influence in a part of the world where some countries have turned to Russian mercenaries for help.
In Kimbirila-Nord, US funding, among other things, helped young people get job training, built parks for cattle to graze so they are no longer stolen by jihadis on Malian territory, and helped establish an information-sharing system so residents can flag violent encounters to each other and state services.




A radio technician at Kaniasso FM, a community radio station formerly funded by USAID to disseminate information in the local languages to neighboring villages, plays a jingle in Kaniasso, Ivory Coast, Feb. 20, 2025. (AP Photo/Misper Apawu)

“What attracts young people to extremists is poverty and hunger,” said Yacouba Doumbia, 78-year-old chief of Kimbirila-Nord. “There was a very dangerous moment in 2020. The project came at the right time, and allowed us to protect ourselves.”
“Seize a narrow prevention window”
Over the last decade, West Africa has been shaken by extremist uprisings and military coups. Groups linked to Al-Qaeda and the Daesh group have conquered large areas and killed thousands in the Sahel and have been spreading into wealthier West African coastal states, such as Ivory Coast, Benin and Togo.
In 2019, President Donald Trump signed the Global Fragility Act that led to the initiatives in northern Ivory Coast. The US goal in this area was to “seize a narrowing prevention window,” according to this year’s congressional report about the implementation of the bipartisan legislation.
Experts say local concerns help drive the popularity of extremist groups: competition for land and resources, exclusion, marginalization and lack of economic opportunities. Across the region, Islamic extremists have recruited among groups marginalized and neglected by central governments.
“Ivory Coast is one of the few countries that still resist the terrorist threat in the Sahel,” said a UN official working in the country who was not authorized to speak on the matter publicly. “If we do not continue to support border communities, a minor issue could send them into the arms of extremists.”
Trump issued an executive order in January directing a freeze on foreign assistance and a review of all US aid and development work abroad. He charged that much of foreign aid was wasteful and advanced a liberal agenda.
“Everyone was just looking out for themselves”
In 2020, when the jihadis struck a Malian village 10 kilometers (6 miles) away, Kimbirila-Nord in many ways fit the description of a community susceptible to extremism.
The lives of Malians and Ivorians were intertwined. People crossed the border freely, making it easy for extremists, who like residents spoke Bambara, to access Kimbirila-Nord. Many residents did not have identity cards and few spoke French, leaving them with no access to states services or official information. Different ethnic groups lived next to each other but were divided by conflicts over scarce natural resources and suspicions toward the state. And young people did not have opportunities to make money.
“We were very scared” when the extremists attacked, said Aminata Doumbia, the head of the village’s female farmers cooperative. “Everyone was just looking out for themselves.”




A ranch belonging to Ibrahima Doumbia, president of the Association of Cattle Breeders, is seen in Kimbirila-Nord, near the Mali border, in Ivory Coast, Feb. 22, 2025. (AP Photo/Misper Apawu)

The Ivorian government runs a program that provides professional training, grants and microloans. But access is difficult in villages such as Kimbirila-Nord.
Kimbirila-Nord is home to refugees from Mali, Burkina Faso and Guinea. Sifata Berte, 23, fled there with his family two years ago from Mali. He is not eligible for the government-run program, but got training through the project funded by the US Agency for International Development and now works as an apprentice in an iron workshop.
Other things the USAID-funded project set up included a network of community radios in local languages, so people could get access to information. It also used mobile government trucks to help tens of thousands of people across the region get their identity documents. And it brought people together with microcredit cooperatives and with a special committee of ranchers and farmers that helps resolve tensions over land.
“It’s thanks to the project that we can sleep at night,” Doumbia, the village chief, said. “We learned how to be together.”

Equal Access International, an international nonprofit, designed and implemented the US-funded project.
The USAID project also has been the only direct source of information on the ground in northern Ivory Coast on violent events for the US-based Armed Conflict and Location & Event Data Project, the main provider of data on violence in the Sahel.
The village had big plans
Ivory Coast became known as a target for extremists in 2016, when an attack on the seaside resort of Grand Bassam killed tourists. In 2021, a string of attacks occurred near the country’s northern border, but the violence has been largely contained after Ivorian authorities, Western governments and aid groups rushed into this impoverished and isolated part of the country with military build up and development projects.
In 2024, the US Africa Command provided over $65 million to projects in Ivory Coast, most of which “focused on counterterrorism and border security” in the northern part of the country, according to the group’s website. The Pentagon said in a statement that it was “not aware of any budget cuts that have undermined counterterrorism training or partnership programs in Africa.”




A police barrier ahead of a Malian border is seen in Kimbirila-Nord, Ivory Coast, Feb. 21, 2025. (AP Photo/Misper Apawu)

Ivory Coast has the second-highest GDP per capita in West Africa, but according to the UN it remains one of the world’s least developed countries. Many in remote villages like Kimbirila-Nord do not have access to running water.
“At first we thought that we only had to solve these problems with a military solution,” Famy Rene, the prefect of Korhogo, the region’s capital, said. “But we saw that this was not enough. We had to put in place programs that strengthen the resilience of the population.”
Residents of Kimbirila-Nord had big plans before the US froze aid. The US was supposed to finance the first well in the village, help create a collective farm, and expand vocational training,
Now they fear they have been left alone to deal with extremists.
“If you forget, they will come back,” said Doumbia, the village chief. “As long as there is war on the other side of the border, we must remain on a high alert.”


Elections under fire: Colombia endures deadliest campaign in decades

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Elections under fire: Colombia endures deadliest campaign in decades

  • A presidential candidate has been assassinated, rebels have pipe bombed a major city and a third of the country is considered unsafe for candidates
SUAREZ: A presidential candidate has been assassinated, rebels have pipe?bombed a major city and a third of the country is considered unsafe for candidates — all making Colombia’s 2026 election campaign one of the most violent in decades.
Nowhere is that danger more palpable than in Cauca, where a silver armored SUV hurries along a mountain track, watched by rifle-wielding guerrillas.
Every second spent along the route is a risk for passenger Esneyder Gomez, a 46-year-old Indigenous candidate hoping to win election to Colombia’s Congress on March 8.
Neatly groomed and driven by anger about the treatment of his Nasa minority, Gomez is hunting for votes in a rebel?controlled region of Colombia’s lawless southwest.
The danger is real. He has been threatened by the guerrilla for a decade. A few months ago his vehicle was shot up as he returned from a political event.
Just days ago, Indigenous legislator Aida Quilcue was kidnapped in the same area, before being released after frantic negotiations.
AFP recently followed Gomez as he trudged village to village along muddy roads, trying to win the votes of Indigenous communities.
The son of a Nasa Indigenous guerrilla and an Afro?Colombian police officer, his protection is a phalanx of some 30 Indigenous Guards, some barely out of their teens and armed with little more than batons.
“The risk is constant,” Gomez says, noting wryly that in the decade-and-a-half since Colombia’s biggest armed groups signed a peace deal, peace remains elusive.
“Post?conflict is turning out harsher than the conflict itself,” he says.
Ahead of the legislative elections and a presidential vote on May 31, at least 61 political leaders have been killed, according to the country’s Electoral Observation Mission.
The violence was brought into sharp focus last June, when young conservative presidential frontrunner Miguel Uribe Turbay was shot in broad daylight while campaigning in the capital, Bogota.
Candidates are under threat of violence in 130 municipalities — about a third of the total — according to observers.
- ‘61 years of struggle’ -
For many Colombians, the uptick in violence has recalled bad old days of the 1980s and 1990s, when five presidential candidates were assassinated, with drug lords like Pablo Escobar calling the shots.
Defense Minister Pedro Sanchez announced a deployment of security forces to ensure “safe” elections.
But many blame the rise in violence on the incumbent leftist government’s policy of trying to negotiate rather than fight armed groups.
During incumbent Gustavo Petro’s four years in the presidential palace, many groups have expanded territory and grown rich as coca production has hit record highs.
According to UN figures, cocaine exports are now over 1,700 tons, higher than at any point on record.
Evidence of the trade can be seen all across the steep mist-covered mountains that flank Gomez’s route.
The hillsides are painted emerald green with coca crops. They will likely be harvested, turned into cocaine and shipped to rich customers in North America and Europe.
Immediately after the 2016 peace agreement, people “could move more safely” Gomez says.
The main faction of Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia — FARC — laid down arms. But dissident factions did not.
Today they impose “territorial control” says Gomez.
“I’ve seen many, many colleagues fall” to armed groups, he adds. “It is infuriating. It makes your blood boil.”
In this part of the Cauca, the rebels make no attempt to remain in the shadows. A poster boasts of “61 years of struggle” featuring a famed guerrilla fighter.
Along the road, armed rebels man checkpoints where travelers must identify themselves. Cameras are unwelcome.
- ‘This must stop’ -
Gomez’s Indigenous bodyguards are always unarmed, hoping to avoid confrontation, explains Jose Yatacue, coordinator of the Nasa unit.
They hope to solve any problems through dialogue, but acknowledge their protectee “is at risk” because of his past role as a social leader “and even more as a candidate.”
Neither the communities nor Yatacue’s guard can rely on the large-scale intervention of the state, only a few unarmed state bodyguards accompany them.
The region is replete with dissidents loyal to warlord Nestor Gregorio Vera Fernandez — better known as Ivan Mordisco, Colombia’s most wanted guerrilla.
He is accused by the government of crimes against humanity and ethnocide of the Nasa, including the forced recruitment of Indigenous children.
“It has been systematic,” Gomez says. “They have brutalized the Nasa people. This must stop.”
The area will be a test of whether Colombia’s elections can be free, fair and safe across the whole country.
“We have been a forgotten territory,” says Luz Dary Munoz, leader of a nearby hamlet. “Everything we have built has been through community effort.”