Trump’s Gaza ‘takeover’ plan marks a sharp break from US policy

US President Donald Trump and Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in the East Room of the White House in Washington, DC. (AFP)
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Updated 06 February 2025
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Trump’s Gaza ‘takeover’ plan marks a sharp break from US policy

  • Trump spoke of permanently displacing Palestinians from the war-devastated Gaza Strip, expressing his desire to transform the Palestinian territory into “the Riviera of the Middle East.”

WASHINGTON: By proposing to “take over” Gaza, US President Donald Trump has not only stunned the world but also departed from long-standing US policy in supporting a Palestinian state.
The president, known for provocative statements, spoke Tuesday of permanently displacing Palestinians from the war-devastated Gaza Strip, expressing his desire to transform the Palestinian territory into “the Riviera of the Middle East.”
His comments sparked worldwide outcry Wednesday, particularly in the Arab world, as they appeared to challenge Palestinians’ right to self-determination, with critics denouncing it as potential “ethnic cleansing.”
The Republican billionaire, who portrays himself as a pragmatist with a transactional approach to foreign policy, hasn’t ruled out sending troops to the region.
The White House moved quickly Wednesday to temper his remarks. Spokeswoman Karoline Leavitt clarified that the United States would not “finance” reconstruction in Gaza and had not “committed” to sending troops.
Secretary of State Marco Rubio, speaking from Guatemala, defended Trump’s intentions: “It was meant as, I think, a very generous move — the offer to rebuild and to be in charge of the rebuilding.”
He also said that Trump only wants Palestinians to leave Gaza temporarily while the territory is reconstructed.

Negotiating tactic or distraction?

It remained unclear whether the president floated his proposal as a negotiating tactic or a distraction, as Israel and Hamas prepare to negotiate the second phase of the ceasefire agreement that took effect January 19.
This second phase aims to secure the release of remaining hostages and achieve a definitive end to the war triggered by Hamas’s attack on Israel on October 7, 2023.
“Trump’s remarks about relocating Palestinians would all but guarantee a broader regional conflict if he seriously pursues the idea,” said Sina Toossi of the Center for International Policy, noting that it “would shatter long-standing US policy on a two-state solution in which a Palestinian state includes Gaza.”
“In the short term, a key question is whether Trump will push (Israeli leader Benjamin) Netanyahu to fully implement the ceasefire deal in Gaza, including its critical second phase, or if he will instead allow Netanyahu and his hawkish cabinet to restart the war,” Toossi added.
The events that unfolded Tuesday during the Israeli prime minister’s Washington visit were remarkable on multiple levels.
Trump’s advisers, Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff and national security adviser Mike Waltz, initially questioned the feasibility of Gaza reconstruction, noting that the Palestinian territory would be uninhabitable for years.

Is he serious?

Trump, who had already caused controversy 10 days earlier with his suggestion to “just clean out” Gaza, claimed Palestinians “would love” to leave the territory, which he described as a “demolition site.”
He later received a beaming Netanyahu at the White House, emphasizing the need to relocate Palestinians before unexpectedly proposing to take “possession” of Palestinian territory to make it a “beautiful place.”
Netanyahu, who opposes the creation of a Palestinian state, praised Trump as someone who “thinks outside the box.”
In making these statements, Trump, who rarely explicitly addresses the prospect of a Palestinian state, broke with decades of Western foreign policy — supporting a two-state solution where Israel and Palestine coexist.
“It is very hard to know how seriously to take Trump’s comments, though they certainly seem to undercut the idea that his administration supports a two-state solution,” said Brian Finucane, a US foreign policy expert at the International Crisis Group in Washington.
But he added it didn’t seem like Palestinians would voluntarily leave Gaza, nor would countries in the region would agree to such a plan.


What to know about aid entering Gaza, the other battle between Israel and Hamas

Updated 9 sec ago
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What to know about aid entering Gaza, the other battle between Israel and Hamas

  • Rights groups and others point out that Israel controls the crossings into Gaza and has sole access to track how much aid and how many commercial goods are entering

JERUSALEM: Two and a half months have passed since Gaza‘s latest ceasefire took effect, and the supplies being delivered to war-battered Palestinians are again the subject of fierce debate.
The underlying question is whether Israel is upholding a key commitment under the US-backed ceasefire by allowing enough humanitarian aid into the territory. Israel says it is, but that claim is disputed by data from humanitarian organizations and Hamas-linked Gaza authorities.
The debate plays out in numbers of trucks said to be entering Gaza. But that tells only part of the story. Most trucks are operated by the private sector and carry commercial goods that are unaffordable to many Palestinians.
Here’s what to know about the dispute.
Israel’s claims about trucks
The ceasefire calls for a minimum of 600 trucks a day, though it’s not clear whether that figure refers specifically to aid trucks. Israel says it has met that stipulation since the ceasefire took effect on Oct. 10. Its closest ally, the United States, which coordinates aid deliveries from a hub in southern Israel, says Israel has met it for the last five weeks.
But about 80 percent of those trucks are private-sector vehicles, according to the Israeli military agency in charge of coordinating aid to Gaza, known as COGAT.
The effects are mixed. Markets in Gaza are now better stocked, and high prices for essentials such as flour and meat have begun to ease, but most people cannot afford the goods after two years of war. And many commercial items like cigarettes, cellphones and snacks don’t address widespread malnutrition.
Commercial supplies “are often prioritized ahead of aid deliveries yet do not address humanitarian needs,” the nonprofit Refugees International said in a statement last week.
COGAT says about 70 percent of the trucks are carrying food, and “the remainder carry medical equipment, shelter supplies, tents, clothing and other essential humanitarian assistance.”
The agency would not give a breakdown of raw data, saying that sharing such details would benefit Hamas. A COGAT-run data dashboard on Gaza aid stopped updating after the ceasefire began.
Other measures of trucks
Rights groups and others point out that Israel controls the crossings into Gaza and has sole access to track how much aid and how many commercial goods are entering.
“There is little transparency about how much and what exactly is getting in,” said Shaina Low, communications adviser for the Norwegian Refugee Council.
Global food security experts last week said all of Gaza is in danger of starvation, but that the spread of famine beyond Gaza City, where it was declared in August, had been averted. Israel disputed the report, calling it “distorted” and “biased.”
Last week’s report undercut Israel’s claims. The authors, citing data they said was provided by Israel, said an average of 540 trucks — both aid and commercial ones — entered Gaza daily in October since the ceasefire and that the November average was 581. Both numbers fall below the 600-truck requirement.
Meanwhile, entities inside Gaza assert that the number of trucks is even smaller.
A report issued this week by the World Food Program said an average of 256 trucks carrying both aid and commercial goods entered daily in the first two weeks of December. The report cited the Gaza Chamber of Commerce and Industry and the Hamas-affiliated Palestinian Ministry of State for Relief Affairs.
It was not clear why those numbers differ so much from Israel’s.
The WFP report also noted that even the entry of commercial goods often faces “a complex system of approvals” and “exorbitant fees” reaching several thousand dollars per truck entering through the Rafah crossing with Egypt and from the occupied West Bank. That drives up prices of essential items such as eggs and vegetables.
Beyond the private sector
The noncommercial trucks entering Gaza, or about 20 percent of the traffic, carry out deliveries for the United Nations and aid groups, or for various countries. Israel’s government does not provide aid to Gaza.
The UN’s data dashboard tracks how much aid from its agencies and partners is unloaded at Gaza border crossings and how much reaches intended destinations. No independent entity tracks aid donated by international governments.
From Oct. 10, when the ceasefire began, through Dec. 21, 9,379 trucks reached intended destinations in Gaza, and food made up over 80 percent of that aid by weight.
That means about 130 trucks a day on average reached their destinations during that period. The dashboard shows that 156 other trucks during that time were intercepted by hungry crowds or armed gangs.
But the amounts inside the trucks can vary sharply because of Israeli restrictions, which include the denial of items Israel believes could be used for military purposes, such as tents with aluminum frames.
Such inconsistencies led to reduced food rations earlier this month, with some households in Gaza receiving rations covering 75 percent of minimum caloric needs to “reach as many people as possible,” according to the World Food Program.
The effect on hunger
Last week’s report by the world’s leading authority on food crises said there have been “notable improvements” in food security in Gaza since the ceasefire. But the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification, or IPC, said the situation remains “highly fragile.”
The report said Gaza’s needs remain immense and unhindered aid is required.
Palestinians have told The Associated Press that even though Gaza’s markets have more products these days, most people can’t afford them.
Access is “deeply unequal,” the International Rescue Committee’s vice president for emergencies, Bob Kitchen, said after the IPC report. He added: “Much of the food entering Gaza is also low in nutritional value, such as sweets and sugary drinks, which does little to support recovery from malnutrition.”