Lawsuit accuses Iran, Syria and North Korea of providing support for Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack on Israel

Palestinians transport a captured Israeli civilian, Noa Argamani, on a motorcycle from southern Israel, in the Gaza Strip on Oct. 7, 2023. (AP)
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Updated 02 July 2024
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Lawsuit accuses Iran, Syria and North Korea of providing support for Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack on Israel

  • Israel has killed more than 37,000 Palestinians, according to the Gaza Health Ministry

NEW YORK: Victims of Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack on Israel sued Iran, Syria and North Korea on Monday, saying their governments supplied the militants with money, weapons and know-how needed to carry out the assault that precipitated Israel’s ongoing war in Gaza.
The lawsuit, filed in federal court in New York, seeks at least $4 billion in damages for “a coordination of extrajudicial killings, hostage takings, and related horrors for which the defendants provided material support and resources.”
Iran’s mission to the United Nations declined to comment on the allegations, while Syria and North Korea did not respond.
The United States has deemed Iran, Syria and North Korea to be state sponsors of terrorism, and Washington has designated Hamas as what’s known as a specially designated global terrorist.
Because such countries rarely abide by court rulings against them in the United States, if the lawsuit’s plaintiffs are successful, they could seek compensation from a fund created by Congress that allows American victims of terrorism to receive payouts. The money comes from seized assets, fines or other penalties leveled against those that, for example, do business with a state sponsor of terrorism.
The lawsuit draws on previous court findings, reports from US and other government agencies, and statements over some years by Hamas, Iranian and Syrian officials about their ties. The complaint also points to indications that Hamas fighters used North Korean weapons in the Oct. 7 attack.
But the suit doesn’t provide specific evidence that Tehran, Damascus or Pyongyang knew in advance about the assault. It accuses the three countries of providing weapons, technology and financial support necessary for the attack to occur.
Iran has denied knowing about the Oct. 7 attack ahead of time, though officials up to Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei have praised the assault.
Iran has armed Hamas as a counter to Israel, which the Islamic Republic has long viewed as its regional archenemy.
In the years since the collapse of Tehran’s 2015 nuclear deal with world powers, Iran and Israel have been locked in a shadow war of attacks on land and at sea. Those attacks exploded into the open after an apparent Israeli attack targeting Iran’s embassy complex in Damascus, Syria, during the Israel-Hamas war, which sparked Tehran’s unprecedented drone-and-missile attack on Israel in April.
Neighboring Syria has relied on Iranian support to keep embattled Syrian President Bashar Assad in power amid a grinding civil war that began with the 2011 Arab Spring protests. Like Iran, Syria also offered public support for Hamas after the Oct. 7 attack.
North Korea denies that it arms Hamas. However, a militant video and weapons seized by Israel show Hamas fighters likely fired North Korean weapons during the Oct. 7 attack
South Korean officials, two experts on North Korean arms and an Associated Press analysis of weapons captured on the battlefield by Israel point toward Hamas using Pyongyang’s F-7 rocket-propelled grenade, a shoulder-fired weapon that fighters typically use against armored vehicles.
The lawsuit specifically cites the use of the F-7 grenade in the attack as a sign of Pyongyang’s involvement.
“Through this case, we will be able to prove what occurred, who the victims were, who the perpetrators were — and it will not just create a record in real time, but for all of history,” said one of the attorneys, James Pasch of the ADL, also called the Anti-Defamation League. The Jewish advocacy group frequently speaks out against antisemitism and extremism.
Hamas fighters killed around 1,200 people, mostly civilians, and abducted about 250 during the Oct. 7 attack. Israel invaded Gaza in response. The war has killed more than 37,000 Palestinians, according to the Gaza Health Ministry. It doesn’t say how many were civilians or fighters.
The lawsuit was filed on behalf of over 125 plaintiffs, including the estates and relatives of people who were killed, plus people who were physically and/or emotionally injured. All are related to, or are themselves, US citizens.
Under US law, foreign governments can be held liable, in some circumstances, for deaths or injuries caused by acts of terrorism or by providing material support or resources for them.
The 1976 statute cited in the lawsuit, the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act, is a frequent tool for American plaintiffs seeking to hold foreign governments accountable. In one example, a federal judge in Washington ordered North Korea in 2018 to pay $500 million in a wrongful death suit filed by the parents of Otto Warmbier, an American college student who died shortly after being released from that country.
People held as prisoners by Iran in the past have successfully sued Iran in US federal court, seeking money earlier frozen by the US
The new lawsuit joins a growing list of Israel-Hamas war-related cases in US courts.
Last week, for example, Israelis who were taken hostage or lost loved ones during Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack sued the United Nations agency that aids Palestinians, claiming it has helped finance the militants by paying agency staffers in US dollars and thereby funneling them to money-changers in Gaza who allegedly give a cut to Hamas.
The agency, known as UNRWA, has denied that it knowingly aids Hamas or any other militant group.
 

 


How Israel is accelerating Palestinian dispossession in East Jerusalem

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How Israel is accelerating Palestinian dispossession in East Jerusalem

  • Israel has approved a plan to complete East Jerusalem land registration by 2029
  • Rights groups say the move could speed up the eviction of Palestinian households

LONDON: A new Israeli government decision to complete land registration across East Jerusalem by 2029 is raising alarm among rights groups and legal experts, who warn it could accelerate the loss of Palestinian property on an unprecedented scale.

Government Resolution No. 3792, announced in early February, expands resources for Settlement of Land Title procedures and formally integrates the Custodian of Absentee Property as an implementing authority.

Critics say the move could reshape land ownership in the city for decades to come.

The measure marks the first Israeli government decision devoted specifically to advancing land title settlement in East Jerusalem and the first to designate the Custodian of Absentee Property as an implementing authority with a dedicated budget.

Rights organizations say the policy carries significant risks for Palestinian residents. Architect and urban planner Sari Kronish said the current phase does not differ from previous SOLT procedures. In practice, however, the pattern of registrations has been telling.

“If we look at the blocks that have been completed versus those in process — and those that could be completed — we see that until now they have mostly been registering open land for use as new settlements,” Kronish, who directs the East Jerusalem department at Bimkom — Planners for Planning Rights, told Arab News.

She warned that the next phase could have a broader impact on Palestinian communities.

“As if that is not bad enough, the next phase seems to include many more blocks that include Palestinian homes — in Beit Hanina and Shuafat, Wadi Hilwe, Sur Baher and more,” Kronish said.

Data compiled by Bimkom illustrates the scale of the process since 2018. At the time of writing, procedures had been completed for 49 blocks totaling 2,286 dunams (228.6 hectares), while 186 blocks covering 6,149 dunams (614.9 hectares) were still in progress, according to the organization’s SOLT tracking website.

FASTFACTS

• Settlement of Land Title is the state process of determining and finalizing land ownership, recorded in Israel’s land registry (Tabu) in largely incontestable form.

• After Israel’s 1967 occupation and annexation of East Jerusalem, SOLT procedures were largely frozen, leaving most Palestinian land unregistered.

About 85 percent of the land settled between 2018 and 2024 was registered in favor of the Israeli state or settlers, while roughly 1 percent was registered to private Palestinian landowners.

The locations of many SOLT proceedings also underscore those concerns.  

Israeli rights group Ir Amim says the process has advanced in areas where new Jewish settlements are planned or under construction, including Atarot, Givat Hamatos, Nof Zahav, Nofei Rachel and Umm Lison, where plans call for roughly 20,500 housing units.

In other instances, SOLT has been implemented in densely populated Palestinian neighborhoods, where residents were unaware that legal proceedings were taking place and later faced eviction or property confiscation.

Ir Amim warned that Resolution 3792 places Palestinian communities at an “unprecedented risk” of dispossession and displacement. If implemented as planned, it is likely to accelerate “irreversible facts on the ground.”

Gaal Yanovski, project coordinator at Ir Amim, said in a statement: “Israel is once again exploiting land settlement procedures to advance large-scale land confiscation in East Jerusalem.

“The formal inclusion of the Custodian of Absentee Property makes clear that SOLT is being used to serve the settlement ambitions of the current government, at the direct expense of Palestinian communities.

“This process must be halted before entire neighborhoods lose their land and homes,” he added.

Palestinian officials and civil society groups have voiced similar concerns, arguing that the resolution could accelerate broader political and territorial changes.

In a Feb. 3 statement, the Jerusalem Governorate described the decision as “the most dangerous settlement step since the occupation of the city in 1967,” calling it a shift from gradual land confiscation to what it characterized as a final, documented transfer of ownership to the Israeli state and its institutions.

Similarly, the Civic Coalition for Palestinian Rights in Jerusalem warned that legislative and administrative steps in recent years have aimed to “codify and legalize the process of annexation” through the seizure of remaining Palestinian property.

Zakaria Odeh, the coalition’s executive director, said the new measure would speed up land title settlement procedures and, in turn, what he described as Israel’s de facto annexation of occupied East Jerusalem.

“The issue of land settlement is not new,” Odeh told Arab News. “Since the occupation of Jerusalem and other occupied Palestinian territories, the Israeli government froze the process of property registration.”

He noted that Israel’s Justice Ministry announced in 2018 that registration would resume, with implementation beginning in 2019 and 2020. At that stage, he said, the process focused mainly on areas with claims of Jewish ownership or ongoing legal disputes between settlers and Palestinian residents.

Progress was gradual, he added, with only “about 15 percent registered by 2025.”

East Jerusalem covers about 72,000 dunams (7,200 hectares) of the West Bank, annexed by Israel in 1967. At the time of annexation, about 69,000 Palestinians — roughly 26 percent of the city’s residents — lived in East Jerusalem in approximately 12,000 housing units.

Following annexation, Israel carried out extensive land expropriations to build settlement neighborhoods on the Palestinian side of the Green Line, the 1949 armistice boundary separating Israel from territories held by neighboring Arab states.

In areas not expropriated, Jordanian land registration procedures were frozen, leaving many parcels in legal limbo.

By 2018, just before SOLT procedures were renewed, Palestinian neighborhoods accounted for about 49,000 dunams (4,900 hectares) of land.

On May 11, 2025, Israel’s Security Cabinet decided to relaunch land registration in the occupied West Bank, a process that had been frozen since 1967.

Odeh warned that the government’s recently stated goal of completing SOLT by 2029 would “sharply accelerate registration” and “increase state control over land.”

He said: “The Israeli government’s recent decision to allocate large budgets, open offices, and expand staffing in the Israeli land registry will escalate and accelerate the settlement process, and consequently the confiscation of land and control over it.”

Indeed, Resolution 3792 allocates about 30 million Israeli shekels — about $9.7 million — over four years to complete SOLT across East Jerusalem.

It also expands staffing in multiple state bodies, including the Land Registration Authority, the Israel Land Authority, the Survey of Israel and the Custodian of Absentee Property — a mechanism the Civic Coalition says plays a central role in transferring land from Palestinian ownership to state control.

Odeh described the Custodian’s expanded role as “the most dangerous aspect” of the measure.

“Under Israeli law, property whose owners are not recognized as Jerusalem residents can be classified as absentee property and transferred to the state,” he said.

“This means that if there is a family of seven people, all officially residing in the city and holding Israeli residency, and even if one of them is not resident or not present in Jerusalem, that person’s share goes to the Israeli government.”

All Palestinian ownership claims submitted through the SOLT process must be reviewed by the Custodian, who is empowered to seize land deemed absentee property.

As a result, Ir Amim says, Palestinians face a “catch-22” — filing a claim risks confiscation, while refraining from filing can allow the state to register land as state property by default.

The Custodian operates under the authority of far-right Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, who has been sanctioned by several Western governments for incitement of violence against Palestinian communities in the West Bank.

Kronish said the Custodian had previously played a formal role but is now receiving significantly greater resources.

“Apparently, this is what they needed in order to be able to advance blocks with many Palestinian homes,” she said.

“All along,” she added, “we have been saying that SOLT cannot be a fair process as long as the Absentee Property Law is enacted in tandem.”

Another obstacle, Odeh said, is the lack of documentation among many Palestinian residents. “British rule, then Jordanian rule, and afterward Israeli rule led to the dispersal and disappearance of documents,” he said.

Transparency is also a concern. Kronish said many residents are unaware that proceedings affecting their property are underway. Even when they are informed, she said, the underlying legal framework leaves them with few viable options.

In an analysis published on Feb. 15, Bimkom said the process “operates within a discriminatory legal system with no transparency,” effectively functioning to “strip Palestinians of their property rights rather than secure them.”

However, Kronish stressed that even when the residents are aware of what is happening, “the crux of the problem” remains the Absentee Property Law, not the lack of transparency.

“Most people will have to make a tough choice between participating — assuming they are notified — and risking losing some or all of their land rights or not participating and then losing their land,” she said.

Israeli officials, however, frame the decision and the broader land registration drive as administrative and developmental measures intended to regularize ownership and enable economic growth.

They argue that clear land titles are necessary for urban planning, infrastructure investment and access to mortgages.

Israel also maintains that the decades-long freeze in land registration left many parcels in legal uncertainty, preventing residents from obtaining building permits and formal recognition.

Resolution 3792 builds on a 2018 government decision known as the Plan to Reduce Socioeconomic Gaps in East Jerusalem, which was declared following a controversial law declaring that only Jews have the right of self-determination in the country.

IN NUMBERS

170 Palestinians in the West Bank displaced by permit-related demolitions in January

1,700+ Displaced in 2025 due to lack-of-permit demolitions in Area C and East Jerusalem

The new decision advances during an election year in Israel and alongside parallel West Bank initiatives to expand land registration and bolster the Custodian of Absentee Property.

Nevertheless, rights groups, including Bimkom, argue that the policy violates international law, deepens the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and undermines prospects for a political resolution, while infringing on Palestinians’ rights to property, development, and self-determination.

In a July 2024 advisory opinion, the International Court of Justice said Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territories is illegal and called on Israel to halt settlement activity and end its occupation as soon as possible.

Although the opinion is not legally binding, it carries significant political weight.

However, on the ground, the dispute over land is already translating into displacement, and eviction looms for more than 1,000 Palestinians in East Jerusalem, according to UN figures, paving the way for settler organizations or state-backed projects.

Evictions have accelerated in neighborhoods such as Silwan and Sheikh Jarrah, where hundreds of residents face court-ordered removal.

In December, Israel’s Supreme Court dismissed an appeal by residents seeking to prevent the eviction of 32 households in Silwan, affecting more than 130 people, The Times of Israel reported.

At the same time, Israeli authorities continue to demolish Palestinian homes built without permits — permits that residents and rights groups say are nearly impossible to obtain — further displacing families and deepening housing insecurity across East Jerusalem.

In the first weeks of 2026 alone, about 170 Palestinians were displaced after their homes were demolished for lacking Israeli-issued building permits, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.

The figure follows a record year in 2025, when more than 1,700 Palestinians were displaced in East Jerusalem and Area C under similar circumstances.