Europe student Gaza protests spread, sparking clashes, arrests

Students and employees of the University of Amsterdam take part in a march against the ongoing Israel-Hamas war in Gaza. (Reuters)
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Updated 08 May 2024
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Europe student Gaza protests spread, sparking clashes, arrests

AMSTERDAM: Student protests to demand that universities sever ties with Israel over the Gaza war spread in Europe on Tuesday, sparking clashes and arrests as fresh protests broke out in the Netherlands, Germany, France, Switzerland and Austria.
Students at various European universities, inspired by ongoing demonstrations at US campuses, have been occupying halls and facilities, demanding an end to partnerships with Israeli institutions because of Israel’s punishing assault on Gaza.
Several hundred protesters resumed a demonstration on Tuesday evening around the University of Amsterdam campus, where police the previous night were filmed baton-charging them and smashing up their tents after they refused to leave the campus.
As protests resumed on Tuesday night, demonstrators erected barriers to access routes watched over by a heavy police deployment.
Police said in a statement that a total of 169 people had been arrested when officers broke up Monday night’s protests.
All had been released apart from two who remain in custody on suspicion of public disorder offenses.
Violence had briefly erupted on Monday evening when a small group of counter-protesters wielding flares stormed the main protest.
Around 50 demonstrators were also protesting on Tuesday outside the library in Utrecht University and a few dozen at the Technical University of Delft, according to local news agency ANP.
In the eastern German city of Leipzig, the university said in a statement that 50 to 60 people occupied a lecture hall on Tuesday afternoon, waving banners that read: “University occupation against genocide.”
Protesters barricaded the lecture hall doors from the inside and erected tents in the courtyard, according to the university.
The university called in the police in the afternoon, and filed a criminal complaint.
A pro-Israeli counter-protest also took place in the area, involving about 40 people, police said.
Criminal proceedings have been initiated against 13 people who were in the lecture hall on suspicion of trespassing. No arrests have been made so far.
Earlier, at Berlin’s Free University, police cleared a demonstration after up to 80 people erected a protest camp in a courtyard of the campus.
The protesters, some of whom wore the keffiyeh scarf that has long been a symbol of the Palestinian cause, sat in front of tents and waved banners.
They later tried to enter rooms and lecture halls and occupy them, according to the university, which said it then called in the police to clear the protest.
The university said property was damaged while classes in some buildings were suspended for the day.
Berlin police said they made some arrests for incitement to hatred and trespassing.
In Paris, police on Tuesday twice intervened at Paris’s prestigious Sciences Po university to disperse about 20 students who had barricaded themselves in the university’s main hall.
Police moved in to allow other students to take their exams and made two arrests, according to Paris prosecutors. The university said the exams were able to proceed without incident.
Police have intervened several times over the past week at Sciences Po, where protesters are demanding the university reveal its partnerships with Israeli institutions. Some 13 students are on a hunger strike, according to the university.
At the nearby Sorbonne university building, police moved on Tuesday evening to eject about a hundred students who had occupied an amphitheater for two hours to protest about Gaza, police sources said.
In Switzerland, protests on Tuesday spread to three universities in Lausanne Geneva and Zurich.
The University of Lausanne said in a statement that it “considers that there is no reason to cease these relations” with Israeli universities as protesters demand.
In Austria, dozens of protesters have been camped on the campus of Vienna University, putting up tents and stringing up banners since late on Thursday.
The war in the Gaza Strip was sparked by an unprecedented October 7 attack on Israel by the Palestinian group Hamas, which resulted in the deaths of more than 1,170 people, mostly civilians, according to an AFP tally of Israeli official figures.
Vowing to destroy Hamas, Israel launched a retaliatory offensive that has killed at least 34,789 people in Gaza, mostly women and children, according to the Hamas-run territory’s health ministry.


Letter to the Editor: In response to Hafed Al-Ghwell’s column (Dec. 21, 2025)

Updated 28 December 2025
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Letter to the Editor: In response to Hafed Al-Ghwell’s column (Dec. 21, 2025)

In the opinion page of Arab News, dated Dec. 21, 2025, columnist Hafed Al-Ghwell wrote an article on South Sudan with a tabloid-style title, “South Sudan’s ruling elites rely on instability for survival.”
As Arab News is a widely respected newspaper whose golden jubilee was celebrated in April this year, and to which I was honored to have been invited, it is incumbent upon me to exercise the right of reply, in the interest of balanced discourse, to some facile claims that have been made in the article.
The author argues that “since independence in 2011, the promise of elections, a permanent constitution, and a unified state has been endlessly deferred. These delays are often framed as technical problems or security concerns. In reality, they form a governing method. Instability is not a failure of elite rule in South Sudan; it is the operating system.”
Well, this statement is a gross oversimplification. The reality is that South Sudan is grappling with complex challenges of transition from conflict to peace and democracy. These challenges may have taken so long to address but they are not insurmountable. Ironically, some of them are rooted in the very mechanism that was supposed to resolve them — the peace agreement.
When the country drifted into a conflict in 2013 following a botched internal debate around issues of governance and constitution, the region and the international community intervened to broker a peace deal in 2015 that became known as the Agreement on the Resolution of Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan, or ARCSS. Despite all the goodwill intoned in the agreement, two chapters on governance and security arrangements respectively remained problematic. They were seen from the onset to have been loaded with potential powder kegs. Eventually, the agreement imploded in 2016, prompting the peacemakers to reboot it all over again in the form of the Revitalised Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan, or R-ARCSS, of 2018.
Again, R-ARCSS did not entirely resolve the flashpoints entailed in Chapters One and Two. For instance, the notion of a collegial presidency in Chapter 1.9.1 was crafted in an abstruse language that left some junior partners in the coalition to assume concurrent powers as the president of the republic. The same notion prevailed in the security arrangements where chiefs of staff of various opposition armies sought to maintain independent commands. In short, chapter one and two of R-ARCSS have had inadvertent debilitating effects.
It is said that the devil is in the details, but in the case of  R-ARCSS, the details became the devil that bedeviled the implementation of the agreement.
Notwithstanding those complexities, significant progress was made. Even the author admits that key provisions of the agreement have been “half-implemented.” It is actually more than half.
Now, a major shift away from the familiar delays is about to take place. This is in response to what is being dubbed as “extensions fatigue,” a reference to the extensions of the period of the current transitional government. The people of South Sudan want to go for elections and so do the parties to the R-ARCSS. In this spirit, these parties agreed earlier this week to amend the agreement, in accordance with Article 8.4. This will allow them to defer some key tasks such as constitution-making process, census and housing data, which could be conducted by the post-elections’ government.
The amendments will also allow the parties to use the 2011 Transitional Constitution as amended. The proposed amendments will be passed by the Cabinet, the Revitalized Joint Monitoring and Evaluation Commission, or R-JMEC, and ratified by the parliament. Meanwhile, the National Elections Commission released this week the 102 geographical constituencies for 2026 elections, using the 2008 population census. A total of 35 percent of additional seats will be allocated for women. Phase Two of Unified Forces will be graduated within the next few months. Before elections, the army will have been unified under one command.
As it can be seen, this is a huge undertaking. The promise of elections is all set to take place. It was delayed due to some genuinely complex issues and not because there is some uncanny wisdom to profit from instability, as sensationalized by the author. Moreover, issues of constitutionalism and institutionalism are complex matters that take decades to settle. This is perhaps why even the author’s own country of birth, whose independence long preceded that of South Sudan by more than 60 years, is still grappling with them to this day.
Rather than prophesying doom and gloom for the upcoming electoral process in South Sudan, the author could actually help through the organizations to which he is affiliated to ensure that the process is inclusive and credible.
Neither South Sudan nor its ruling elite need to invest in instability as a governing system. There are far greater returns and dividends in peace and stability. The World Bank’s South Sudan Natural Resources Review (2025) described the country as “rich in natural resources, oil, fisheries, forestry and wildlife, alongside significant agricultural land, massive livestock (over 60 million) and mineral resources like gold.” The report correctly cited instability as the main factor preventing the exploitation of these resources for sustainable economic development.
With such vast resources, there is a pervasive sense of awareness and urgency among the South Sudanese that stability is the key to unlocking their economic potential. To assume that some elites in that country would have chosen instability over stability is to fictionalize a bizarre scene in some exotic place in Joseph Conrad’s novel, “Heart of Darkness.”
Those of us who are fortunate to witness from this vantage point the massive economic diversification drive of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia as part of its Vision 2030, could clearly see how South Sudan could carve a niche as an important trade partner in the area of food security. It is this opportunity that prompted us to be among the first countries to confirm our participation in the Riyadh Expo 2030. And we are bracing to participate at the premier Future Minerals Forum in Riyadh in January 2026.
Away from doom and gloom, there is good news; some entrepreneurs who know what South Sudan has to offer are not waiting for full stability to return. Just over a couple of weeks ago a young Saudi entrepreneur showed up at the embassy looking for a visa. We asked him whether he was not discouraged by South Sudan’s investment naysayers. The young man said he was unfazed and that he had already established his business in South Sudan along with another fellow Saudi national.

Mayom Alier
Ambassador of South Sudan to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
Riyadh