Turkish military’s push into Iraqi territory risks deeper conflict

A Sararo villager shows the damage he says was caused by Turkish forces’ bombardment in Dohuk, Iraq, on Dec. 27, 2022. (Reuters)
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Updated 31 January 2023
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Turkish military’s push into Iraqi territory risks deeper conflict

  • Escalation risks further destabilizing a region where foreign powers have intervened with impunity

SARARO, Iraq: Looming over the deserted village of Sararo in northern Iraq, three Turkish military outposts break the skyline, part of an incursion that forced the residents to flee last year after days of shelling.

The outposts are just some of the dozens of new military bases Turkiye has established on Iraqi soil in the past two years as it steps up its decades-long offensive against Kurdish militants sheltered in the remote and rugged region.

“When Turkiye first came to the area, they set up small portable tents, but in the spring, they set up outposts with bricks and cement,” Sararo’s mayor Abdulrahman Hussein Rashid said in December during a visit to the village, where shell casings and shrapnel still litter the ground.

“They have drones and cameras operating 24/7. They know everything that’s going on,” he said, as drones buzzed overhead in the mountainous terrain 5 km from the frontier.

Turkiye’s advances across the increasingly depopulated border of Iraqi Kurdistan attract little global attention compared to its incursions into Syria or the battle against Daesh, but the escalation risks further destabilizing a region where foreign powers have intervened with impunity, analysts say.

Turkiye could become further embroiled if its new Iraqi bases come under sustained attack, while its growing presence may also embolden Iran to expand military action in Iraq against groups it accuses of fomenting unrest at home, Kurdish officials say.

The former secretary general for Kurdistan’s Peshmerga forces, Jabar Manda, said Turkiye had 29 outposts in Iraq until 2019 but the number has mushroomed as Ankara tries to stop the Kurdistan Workers’ Party launching attacks on its own territory.

“Year after year the outposts have been increasing after the escalation of battles between Turkish forces and the PKK,” he said, estimating the current number at 87, mostly in a strip of border territory about 150 km long and 30 km deep.

A Kurdish official, who declined to be named, also said Turkiye now had about 80 outposts in Iraq. Another Kurdish official said at least 50 had been built in the last two years and that Turkiye’s presence was becoming more permanent.

Asked to comment on its bases in Iraq, Turkiye’s Defense Ministry said its operations there were in line with article 51 of the UN Charter, which gives member states the right to self defense in the event of attacks.

“Our fight against terrorism in northern Iraq is carried out in coordination and close cooperation with the Iraqi authorities,” the ministry said in a statement, which did not address questions about the figures cited by Kurdish officials.

Turkiye’s presence in northern Iraq, which has long been outside the direct control of the Baghdad government, dates back to the 1990s when former Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein let Turkish forces advance 5 km into the country to fight the PKK.

Since then, Turkiye has built a significant presence, including one base at Bashiqa 80 km inside Iraq, where it says Turkish troops were part of an international mission to train and equip Iraqi forces to fight Daesh. Turkiye said it worked to avoid civilian casualties through its coordination with Iraqi authorities.

A report published in August by a coalition of NGOs, End Cross-Border Bombing, said at least 98 civilians were killed between 2015 and 2021. The International Crisis Group, which gave a similar civilian death toll, said 1,180 PKK militants were killed between 2015 and 2023.

According to an official with Iraq’s Kurdistan Regional Government, the conflict has also emptied at least 800 villages since 2015, when a ceasefire between Turkiye and the PKK broke down, driving thousands of people from their homes.

Beyond the humanitarian impact, Turkiye’s incursion risks widening the conflict by giving carte blanche to regional rival Iran to step up intelligence operations inside Iraq and take its own military action, Kurdish officials say.

Tehran has already fired missiles at bases of Kurdish groups it accuses of involvement in protests against its restrictions on women, displacing hundreds of Iranian Kurds and killing some.

Pro-Iranian militias in Iraq also have a pretext to respond to Turkiye’s presence, analysts say, raising the prospect of escalation between Turkish troops and groups besides the PKK.

Hamdi Malik, a specialist on Iraqi Shiite militias at the Washington Institute, said pro-Iranian groups such as Liwa Ahrar Al-Iraq (Free People of Iraq Brigade) and Ahrar Sinjar (Free People of Sinjar) rebranded themselves last year as the resistance against the Turkish presence.

According to a Washington Institute report, attacks on Turkish military facilities in Iraq increased from an average of 1.5 strikes per month at the start of 2022 to seven in April. If the groups, which are deeply hostile to Washington, step up operations that would also undermine the influence of the United States and its 2,000 troops in Iraq, said Mustafa Gurbuz, a nonresident fellow at the Arab Center Washington.

“Turkiye is underestimating the strength of opposition and the fact that these facilities will become targets in the future and more so as hostilities increase,” said Sajad Jiyad, Baghdad-based analyst for The Century Foundation, a US think tank.

Northern Iraq’s fragmented politics mean that neither the federal government in Baghdad nor the KRG regional authority are strong enough to challenge Turkiye’s presence — or to meet Ankara’s goal of containing the PKK themselves.

The Baghdad government has complained about Ankara’s incursions but has little authority in the mainly Kurdish north, while the region’s ruling Kurdistan Democratic Party does not have the firepower to challenge the PKK, despite seeing it as a potent and populist rival.

The KDP has historically cooperated with Turkiye but has limited influence over a neighbor which wields far greater military and economic clout.

“We ask all foreign military groups — including the PKK — to not drag the Kurdistan Region into any kind of conflicts or tensions,” KRG spokesman Jotiar Adil said.

“The PKK are the main reason that pushed Turkiye to enter our territories in the Kurdistan Region. Therefore, we think the PKK should leave,” he said. “We are not a side in this long-standing conflict and we have no plans to be on any side.”

Iraqi Kurdish Prime Minister Masrour Barzani said the conflict between Turkiye and the PKK was a matter of concern, but less pressing than the threat from Daesh.

Hariam Mahmoud, a leading figure in the Kurdistan Liberation Movement, a civilian opposition group in Iraq influenced by the ideas of jailed PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan, said no matter how much Turkiye squeezes them they will continue to resist.

“In our opinion, this is an occupation and fighting resistance is a legitimate right,” said Mahmoud, who lives in Garmiyan district south of Sulaimaniya.

Civilians, meanwhile, continue to pay the price. Ramzan Ali, 72, was irrigating his field in Hirure a few km from Sararo in 2021, when he heard a huge blast. The next thing he remembers is being on the ground covered in blood.

He said a Turkish shell had crashed into his property — a regular occurrence when Turkish troops respond to PKK attacks with artillery.


Epstein tried to build web of powerful ties across Middle East, documents show

Updated 8 sec ago
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Epstein tried to build web of powerful ties across Middle East, documents show

DUBAI: The departure of the chief executive of Dubai port giant DP World is the biggest fallout in the Middle East from US Department of Justice documents which show that disgraced financier Jeffrey Epstein tried to build a powerful network of political figures and business leaders across the region.
DP World announced on Friday that Sultan Ahmed Bin Sulayem had resigned as chief executive and chair.
The decision to act was taken after Bin ​Sulayem’s name appeared in the Epstein files, two sources with direct knowledge of the matter told Reuters, and as his relationship with the late convicted sex offender faced increasing scrutiny.
In their correspondence, Bin Sulayem discussed sexual relationships with women with whom Epstein helped him connect.
In an email dated November 9, 2007, Bin Sulayem told Epstein he had met one such woman in New York, whom he does not name and with whom he said he did not have sex.
“Yes after several attempts for several months we managed to meet in NY,” he wrote, adding that there was a misunderstanding because “she wanted some BUSINESS! while i only wanted some PUSSYNESS!“
Dubai’s ruler on Friday also issued a decree appointing a new chairman for Dubai’s Ports, Customs and Free Zone Corporation, one of several roles Bin Sulayem held.
Reuters was able to independently review only some of the Epstein files relating to Bin Sulayem and was unable to ascertain what specifically led to his departure from DP World although the sources said, without providing further details, that it was related to the files.
Bin Sulayem did not respond to Reuters requests for comment on his departure. DP World declined to comment.
COOKING TOGETHER
In one email exchange, Epstein described Bin Sulayem as funny, trustworthy and a foodie. Epstein went on to ‌say that Bin Sulayem, a ‌Muslim, does not drink and prays five times a day.
An undated photograph that appears in an email and is publicly available shows ​Epstein ‌cooking with ⁠Bin Sulayem ​and the ⁠two of them looking relaxed together.
The full name of the person it was sent to by Epstein is not provided.
Bin Sulayem has not publicly commented on Epstein’s description or the emails about his relationship with him.
Being named in the file is not evidence of criminal activity. But after members of the US Congress said Bin Sulayem’s name appeared in files released by the US Department of Justice (DOJ), he faced renewed questions from some of DP World’s financial backers over his past interactions.
Bin Sulayem did not respond publicly to those concerns. The UK development finance agency, British International Investment, and Canada’s second-largest pension fund said last week they would suspend all new investment with DP World over Bin Sulayem’s alleged ties to Epstein.
“We are shocked by the allegations emerging in the Epstein
Files regarding Sultan Ahmed Bin Sulayem,” said a spokesperson for BII, without saying which allegations he was referring to. “In light of the allegations, we will not be making any new investments with DP World until the required actions have been taken by the company.”
Canadian pension fund La Caisse said it was “pausing additional capital deployment alongside the company” until DP World ⁠clarified the situation and took “the necessary actions.”
In a statement after Friday’s leadership changes at DP World, BII welcomed DP World’s decision and said it ‌looked forward to continuing “our partnership to advance the development of key African trading ports.” La Caisse said “the company took the appropriate measures” and that ‌it would “move quickly to work with DP World’s new leadership to continue our partnership on port projects around the world.”
Bin Sulayem ​did not immediately respond when asked by Reuters to comment on the actions taken by BII and ‌La Caisse. DP World declined comment.
NETWORK OF CONTACTS
The large cache of documents released by the DOJ, including text messages and emails, also shows the Middle East was no exception to Epstein’s efforts to use ‌his wealth to build relationships with prominent people in politics, finance, academia and business around the world.
Reuters was unable to ascertain how successful Epstein was in seeking to influence his contacts in the Middle East, and whether his advice was heeded. The DOJ documents reviewed by Reuters show Epstein tried to advise Qatari business leaders and political figures during the 2017-21 blockade of Qatar by Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Egypt over accusations that Doha failed to curb ties with Iran and supported terrorism, which Qatar denied.
In exchanges with a Qatari businessman and ruling family member Sheikh Jabor Yousuf Jassim Al Thani, Epstein urged Qatar to “stop kicking and arguing...let the heat come down a bit.” He said “the current ‌Qatar team is very weak” and “FM is not experienced and it shows.”
Qatar’s foreign minister at the time was Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani, who now serves as both foreign minister and prime minister. Sheikh Mohammed has not commented publicly on Epstein’s portrayal of him. Asked about the ⁠exchange, Qatar’s International Media Office, which handles media requests for ⁠the prime minister, declined to comment.
There was no response to a Reuters request for comment emailed to three companies in Qatar that Sheikh Jabor is listed as chairman of, or to a text message sent to an individual who, according to the files released by the DOJ, works in Sheikh Jabor’s office. Epstein urged Doha to forge links with Israel to stay in the good graces of Donald Trump, who was then in his first term as US president. He suggested the Gulf state either move toward recognizing Israel or pledge $1 billion to a fund for terrorism victims. Ultimately, Qatar stuck to its independent course. In 2021, the blockading countries restored ties with Doha, and ties between the Trump administration and Qatar are now strong.
DISCUSSION OF SAUDI ARAMCO IPO
Epstein discussed Saudi Aramco’s initial public offering in dozens of email exchanges. In one exchange dated September 10, 2016, with a person named as Aziza Alahmadi, and with former Norwegian diplomat Terje Roed-Larson copied in, Epstein warned that Aramco going public could expose Saudi Arabia to lawsuits and asset seizures. Saudi Aramco declined to comment on these emails.
Alahmadi could not be reached for comment and Reuters was unable to establish her role, if any, in Epstein’s activities.
In an email dated October 16, 2017, and also sent to Alahmadi, Epstein suggested selling China an option to buy a $100-billion stake in Aramco rather than pursuing a traditional IPO, saying it would provide liquidity while limiting exposure to public markets.
Saudi Aramco declined to comment to Reuters on the emails. Roed-Larsen did not immediately respond to a request for comment sent by email via his lawyer.
Epstein’s reach also extended to Egypt, the documents released by the DOJ show. Some emails show a request from ​a family member of Hosni Mubarak — the wife of his son Gamal Mubarak — that was passed on ​to Epstein asking for help in 2011, following the former president’s ouster and subsequent legal troubles. They did not say what kind of assistance was sought and Reuters was unable to establish whether Epstein had tried to intercede on the family’s behalf. Reuters emailed a request for comment to one lawyer and sent a text message to another, both of whom represented Gamal Mubarak. There was no immediate response.