Why Somalia’s drought and looming food crisis require an innovative response

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Updated 22 September 2022
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Why Somalia’s drought and looming food crisis require an innovative response

  • Presidential Envoy for Drought Response tells Arab News “famine could be here as soon as October”
  • Abdirahman Abdishakur says “humanitarian support is vital but it cannot be a permanent solution”

NEW YORK CITY: Just a few months ago, Somalia was promised a new era. After a peaceful vote and an equally peaceful transfer of power, many had hoped that a line had been drawn under decades of clan divisions, factious politics, heightened tensions between Mogadishu and the regions, and a persistent extremist presence.

In recent years, Somalia recorded encouraging economic growth as well, lifting the hopes of the international community further. 

A new president, whose election had crowned a period of hope that saw the drafting of a new provisional constitution, the establishment of a federal government, and the subsequent formation of five new federal member states, had promised to focus on national reconciliation and on further political and financial reforms.

James Swan, the UN special representative to Somalia, had told the Security Council that Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s presidency offered a “long-awaited opportunity to advance urgent national priorities.”

Yet it is not because of this progress that Somalia is set to be a major focus of this year’s 77th session of the UN General Assembly. Once again, the country finds itself facing a state of alarming emergency resulting from multiple, overlapping crises.

The UN’s World Meteorological Organization has predicted that the Horn of Africa is likely to face a fifth consecutive failed rainy season over the months of October to December. Somalia is one of the most vulnerable countries to climate change and is ill-equipped to cope with this drought, the worst it has experienced in 40 years.

There is no end in sight, many say. Five years of drought have depleted the country’s water levels, leading to crop failure, with agricultural production falling 70 percent below average. More than 3 million livestock have perished. The animals that remained are now emaciated.

And getting aid to those in need remains a tremendous challenge. Some areas are hard to reach owing to poor road infrastructure. Others are under the control of Al-Shabab, an uncompromising, unpopular group with links to Al-Qaeda.




A mother gives water to her child at a camp for displaced persons in Baidoa, Somalia. Hungry people are heading to Baidoa from rural areas of southern Somalia, one of the regions hardest hit by drought. (AFP)

A deadly insurgency by Al-Shabab against the federal government has resulted in humanitarian aid convoys being attacked. In a vicious cycle, the scarcity that Al-Shabab is exacerbating is in turn leading to more young Somalis being vulnerable to recruitment.

Then came the war in Ukraine, the reverberations from which have been deeply felt in the Horn of Africa. The resultant spike in global grain prices has pushed millions of Somalis to leave their homes and look for food, carrying starving and malnourished children on the way.

Only those who are physically capable of leaving have left, however. As for the most vulnerable, the children, Somalia’s newest generation, they are perishing.

“Food insecurity is a global problem,” Abdirahman Abdishakur, Somalia’s special presidential envoy for drought response, told Arab News.

“The whole world has been affected by disruptions to global supply chains of grain, fertilizer and fuel arising from the conflict in Ukraine. Much like the rest of the world, Somalia has also been affected.

“The difference for Somalia is that this crisis is coming on top of many others that the country has been reeling from for decades.”

UN reports indicate that some communities, particularly agro-pastoral populations in Baidoa and Burhakaba districts and displaced people in the Baidoa town of the Bay region, will experience famine starting in October if aid is not immediately scaled up.

Abdishakur is in New York City to lobby and urge donors, the international community, and the Somali diaspora to support the drought response “before it is too late.”

Various UN bodies, including children’s fund UNICEF, the World Food Program, and the Food and Agriculture Organization, have repeatedly warned that the emergency shows no signs of letting up.

In a statement, the FAO said that “without action, famine will occur within the next few weeks,” adding that drought-related deaths had already been occurring and the toll could be much higher in hard-to-reach rural areas, compared with the number recorded in camps for displaced families.

During the famine of 2011, 340,000 Somali children required treatment for severe acute malnutrition, James Elder, UNICEF spokesperson, said in Geneva, Switzerland. “Today it’s 513,000. It’s a pending nightmare we have not seen this century.”




Abdirahman Abdishakur, Somalia's special presidential envoy, has called for an immediate global response to the country's food crisis. (Supplied)

According to the FAO, approximately 6.7 million people in Somalia will likely endure high levels of acute food insecurity between October and December this year, including more than 300,000 who have been left “empty-handed” by the country’s triple emergency and who are expected to fall into famine.

Abdishakur said: “Needs have escalated, and funds remain below what is required. The window for the international community is literally now. If the world doesn’t scale up assistance, famine could be here as soon as October.”

Although such dire predictions have thrown Somalia into the limelight, famine projections were actually made back in March.

“Many governments have increased their funding over the course of the drought, and we are very grateful. However, the need for adequate levels of funding to contain the initial emergency was not met, allowing the situation to spiral into the crisis we are experiencing today,” he added.

Now, Abdishakur is leading a call for a more aggressive humanitarian response to the crisis to save as many lives as possible.

“The sheer severity of the situation demands a more aggressive, innovative, and tangible reaction from the international community,” he said. And he called on the international community to “rally in the spirit of humanitarian diplomacy” and increase their contributions “before it’s too late.”

“No one should be dying from starvation in 2022. In this world of staggering wealth, skills and knowledge, there should be enough support to go around,” he added.




A child sleeps in a makeshift tent at Muuri camp in Baidoa, one of 500 camps for displaced persons. (AFP)

It is not the first or even 10th time that an emergency appeal has been made for Somalia to donor countries, and Abdishakur noted that it would not be the last if the same approach continued to be taken each year by Somalia’s government or the international community.

He said: “I do not want to be knocking on doors again in five years’ time or ever. Around 1 billion dollars is spent on aid to our country annually yet needs continue to increase. Humanitarian support is vital during a crisis, but it cannot be a permanent solution.”

Somalis are aware of the progress they had begun to get a taste for, but now fear that their country’s full potential will not be achieved.

According to experts, had that potential been utilized, Somalia could have contributed to food security and sustainable energy production in the Horn of Africa and the world.

As the presidential envoy for drought response, Abdishakur is advocating a new way of working aimed at ultimately ending the cycle of hunger and suffering that focuses on long-term adaptation to, and mitigation of, climate change.

Along with the urgent funds needed to save lives, he has called for investments that focus on fighting food insecurity, help foster livelihoods, and build infrastructure, especially roads.

He said that between 20 and 40 percent of agricultural produce in Somalia was lost in transportation because of poor roads.

FASTFACT

• A famine is an acute episode of extreme lack of food characterized by starvation, widespread deaths, destitution, and extremely critical levels of acute malnutrition.

“Somalia needs partnerships that make its people thrive by continuing to live their traditional way of life with some added climate-adaptive and mitigation practices,” Abdishakur said

“Somalia has resources. We have minerals, rivers, wind, and natural gas. We have the longest coastline in Africa. We have a large agro-pastoral population, who live off ample pasture and export livestock to global markets when drought is not scorching their land.

“To break away from recurrent crises, we need the international community to understand the importance of building the resilience of our people to climate, economic, and security shocks.

“Along with urgently saving lives, international engagement in Somalia must contribute to livelihoods, develop vital modern infrastructure like roads and irrigation channels, and help families adapt to a new climate reality.”

Looking to the future, Abdishakur said: “We know that our government has a long way to go but we are committed to ending this crisis and stopping the cycle, including through improvements to the way we function, our transparency, and accountability.

“Our request to the international community, and any group with relevant expertise and resources, is to work with our government to urgently save lives today and make sustainable investments in the Somalia of tomorrow.”


From the Balkans to Southeast Asia: High-stakes elections test fragile stabilities across three continents

Updated 56 min 33 sec ago
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From the Balkans to Southeast Asia: High-stakes elections test fragile stabilities across three continents

  • Myanmar junta stages election after five years of civil war
  • Central African Republic votes, Russia ally Touadera seeks third term
  • Guinea votes in presidential election expected to cement Doumbouya’s rule
  • Kosovo votes in bid to end year-long political impasse

YANGON/BANGUI/CONAKRY/PRISTINA: Four nations across three continents — Myanmar, Central African Republic, Guinea, and Kosovo — have officially opened polls Sunday in a pivotal day for global democracy and shifting political tides.

While the contexts range from the desperate search for an end to civil war in Southeast Asia to breaking parliamentary deadlocks in the Balkans, each vote carries profound implications for regional stability and the future of civilian rule.

Heavily restricted polls

Myanmar’s ruling junta is touting the exercise as a return to democracy five years after it ousted the last elected government, triggering civil war.

But early voters at a downtown station near the gleaming Sule Pagoda — the site of huge pro-democracy protests after the coup — were outnumbered by journalists and polling staff, a far cry from the snaking queues of voters formed outside polling stations in the last election in 2020.

The military declared that election void, ousted civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi and seized power in 2021. Suu Kyi remains jailed, while her hugely popular party has been dissolved and was not taking part.
Campaigners, Western diplomats and the UN’s rights chief have all condemned the phased month-long vote, citing a ballot stacked with military allies and a stark crackdown on dissent.

Voters line up to cast their ballots at a polling station, with Sule Pagoda in background, on Dec. 28, 2025, in Yangon, Myanmar. (AP)

The pro-military Union Solidarity and Development Party is widely expected to emerge as the largest one, in what critics say would be a rebranding of martial rule.
The Southeast Asian nation of around 50 million is riven by civil war and there will be no voting in rebel-held areas.
In junta-controlled territory, the first of three rounds started at 6:00 a.m. (2330 GMT Saturday), including in constituencies in the cities of Yangon, Mandalay and the capital Naypyidaw.
The run-up saw none of the feverish public rallies that Suu Kyi once commanded, and the junta has waged a withering pre-vote offensive to claw back territory.
“It is impossible for this election to be free and fair,” said Moe Moe Myint, who has spent the past two months “on the run” from junta air strikes.

The military ruled Myanmar for most of its post-independence history before a 10-year interlude saw a civilian government take the reins in a burst of optimism and reform.
But after Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy party trounced pro-military opponents in the 2020 elections, Min Aung Hlaing snatched power in a coup, alleging widespread voter fraud.
The Asian Network for Free Elections says 90 percent of the seats in the last elections went to organizations that will not appear on Sunday’s ballots.
New electronic voting machines will not allow write-in candidates or spoiled ballots.

The junta is pursuing prosecutions against more than 200 people for violating draconian legislation forbidding “disruption” of the poll, including protest or criticism.
“These elections are clearly taking place in an environment of violence and repression,” UN rights chief Volker Turk said this week.
The second round of polling will take place in two weeks before the third and final round on January 25, but the junta has conceded elections cannot happen in almost one in five lower house constituencies.

Touadera victory would likely advance Russian interests

In the Central African Republic, President Faustin-Archange Touadera is seeking a third term as the chronically unstable country holds ​national elections, touting security gains made with the help of Russian mercenaries and Rwandan soldiers.
The 68-year-old mathematician oversaw a constitutional referendum in 2023 that scrapped the presidential term limit, drawing an outcry from his critics who accused him of seeking to rule for life.
A Touadera victory — the expected outcome — would likely further the interests of Russia, which has traded security assistance for access to resources including gold and diamonds. Touadera is also offering access to the country’s lithium and uranium reserves to anyone interested.

Supporters of Central African Republic's President and presidential candidate for the United Hearts Movement (MCU) Faustin Archange Touadera gather during his final rally in Bangui on December 26, 2025 ahead of CAR's presidential election on December 28, 2025. (AFP)

The opposition field ‌of six candidates ‌is led by two former prime ministers, Anicet-Georges Dologuele ‌and ⁠Henri-Marie Dondra, ​both of ‌whom survived attempts by Touadera’s supporters to have them disqualified for allegedly holding foreign citizenship.
Though both men remain on the ballot, Touadera is still seen as the favorite given his control over state institutions and superior financial resources, analysts say.
The challenges to the candidacies of Dologuele and Dondra “aligned with an apparent pattern of administrative manoeuvring that has disproportionately impeded opposition politicians while favoring the ruling United Hearts Party,” Human Rights Watch said last month.
“Their late admission ⁠to the race raises questions about whether voters have been given a genuine choice.”

In ‌2018, CAR became the first country in West and ‍Central Africa to bring in Russia’s Wagner ‍mercenaries, a step since also taken by Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger.
Two years ‍later Rwanda deployed troops to shore up Touadera’s government as rebel groups threatened the capital and tried to disrupt the 2020 elections, ultimately preventing voting at 800 polling stations across the country, or 14 percent of the total.
The country is more secure now after Touadera signed several peace deals with ​rebel groups this year.
But those gains remain fragile: Rebels have not fully disarmed, reintegration is incomplete, and incursions by combatants from neighboring Sudan fuel ⁠insecurity in the east. Beyond the presidential contest, the elections on Sunday cover legislative, regional and municipal positions.
Provisional results are expected by January 5.
If no candidate gets more than 50 percent of the vote, a presidential runoff will take place on February 15, while legislative runoffs will take place on April 5.
Pangea-Risk, a consultancy, wrote in a note to clients that the risk of unrest after the election was high as opponents were likely to challenge Touadera’s expected victory.
A smooth voting process could reinforce Touadera’s claim that stability is returning, which was buttressed last year with the UN Security Council’s lifting of an arms embargo and the lifting of a separate embargo on diamond exports.
In November, the UN Security ‌Council extended the mandate of its peacekeeping mission. The US opposed the decision, calling for a shorter extension and a handover of security to Bangui.

Guinea's transition to civilian rule

In Guinea, the election is widely expected to hand Mamady Doumbouya, who seized power in ​a 2021 coup, a seven-year mandate, completing the West African nation’s transition back to civilian rule.
The former special forces commander, believed to be in his early 40s, faces eight other candidates in a fragmented field with no strong challenger. Ousted president Alpha Conde and longtime opposition leader Cellou Dalein Diallo remain in exile.
Guinea holds the world’s largest bauxite reserves and the richest untapped iron ore deposit at Simandou, officially launched last month after years of delay.

Officials of the General Directorate of Elections organize electoral materials at Dixinn’s city hall in Conakry, on December 27, 2025, on the eve on Guinea’s presidential election. (AFP)

Doumbouya has claimed credit for pushing the project ‌forward and ensuring Guinea ‌benefits from its output.
His government this year also ‌revoked ⁠EGA ​subsidiary Guinea Alumina ‌Corporation’s license after a refinery dispute, transferring its assets to a state-owned firm.
The turn toward resource nationalism — echoed in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger — has boosted his popularity, as has his youth in a country where the median age is about 19.
“For us young people, Doumbouya represents the opportunity to send the old political class into retirement,” said Mohamed Kaba, a mechanic in Conakry. “There is a lot of corruption right now, but I hope ⁠these things will be sorted out.”

If elected, Doumbouya “will likely utilize his position ‌to further entrench his power and that of the military ‍over Guinea,” said Benedict Manzin, lead Middle ‍East and Africa analyst at risk consultancy Sibylline.
“In particular he is likely to ‍position his allies and associates to benefit from the expected economic boom associated with the launch of production” at Simandou, Manzin added.
A transition charter adopted after the coup barred junta members from contesting elections. But in September, Guineans overwhelmingly backed a new constitution removing that clause, extending presidential ​terms to seven years and creating a Senate.

Political debate ⁠has been muted under Doumbouya. Civil society groups accuse his government of banning protests, curbing press freedom and restricting opposition activity.
The campaign period “has been severely restricted, marked by intimidation of opposition actors, apparently politically motivated enforced disappearances, and constraints on media freedom,” UN rights chief Volker Turk said Friday. These conditions “risk undermining the credibility of the electoral process,” he added.
The government did not respond to a request for comment.
Doumbouya kept a low profile during the campaign, leaving surrogates to make his case.
At a closing rally on Thursday in Conakry, he skipped a speech although he danced with his wife while Congolese star Koffi Olomide performed.
He wore a white baseball cap and track jacket emblazoned with the name of his ‌movement: “Generation for Modernity and Development.”
About 6.7 million people are registered to vote, with provisional results expected within 48 to 72 hours of polls closing.

Acting Prime Minister of Kosovo and Levizja Vetevendosje (Movement for Self-Determination) party leader Albin Kurti speaks to his supporters during the last election campaign rally in Pristina, Kosovo December 27, 2025. (Reuters)

Kosovo's political crisis 
In Kosovo, Prime Minister Albin Kurti’s party seeks a majority to end a year-long political deadlock that has paralyzed parliament and delayed international funding.
The vote is the second this year in Europe’s youngest nation after Kurti’s Vetevendosje party fell short of a majority in February. Months of failed coalition talks prompted President Vjosa Osmani to dissolve parliament in November and call an early election.
Failure to form a government and reopen ‌parliament would prolong the ‌crisis at a critical time: lawmakers must ‌elect ⁠a new ​president ‌in April and ratify 1 billion euros ($1.2 billion) in loan agreements from the European Union and World Bank that expire in the coming months.
The Balkan country’s opposition parties have refused to govern with Kurti, criticizing his handling of ties with Western allies and his approach to Kosovo’s ethnically divided north, where a Serb minority lives. Kurti blames the opposition for the impasse.
To woo voters, ⁠Kurti has pledged an additional month of salary per year for public sector workers, one ‌billion euros per year in capital investment and ‍a new prosecution unit to ‍fight organized crime. Opposition parties have also focused on improving living standards.
Opinion ‍polls are not published in Kosovo, leaving the outcome uncertain. Many voters say they are disillusioned.
“There wouldn’t be great joy if Kurti wins, nor would there be if the opposition wins. This country needs drastic changes, and I don’t see ​that change coming,” said Edi Krasiqi, a doctor.
Kosovo declared independence from Serbia in 2008 with US backing, including a 1999 NATO bombing campaign against Serbian forces trying to crush an uprising by the 90 percent ethnic Albanian majority.
Despite international support, the country of 1.6 million has struggled with poverty, instability and organized crime. Kurti’s tenure, which began in 2021, was the first time a Pristina government completed a full term.
Tensions with Serbia flared in 2023, prompting the EU to impose sanctions on Kosovo. The bloc said this month it would lift them after ethnic Serb mayors were elected ‌in northern municipalities, but the measures likely cost Kosovo hundreds of millions of euros.
 

(With AFP & Reuters)