Macron tells Lebanon ‘you are not alone’ during visit to traumatized Beirut

Macron, surrounded by Lebanese servicemen, visits the devastated site of the explosion at the port of Beirut. (AFP)
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Updated 06 August 2020
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Macron tells Lebanon ‘you are not alone’ during visit to traumatized Beirut

  • Macron meets crowds of distraught Lebanese as anger intensifies at political elite
  • Crowds vent their fury, shouting 'terrorist' leadership and chanting revolution

BEIRUT: French President Emmanuel Macron visited shell-shocked Beirut Thursday, pledging support and urging change after a massive explosion devastated the Lebanese capital in a disaster that has sparked grief and fury.
“Lebanon is not alone,” he tweeted on arrival before pledging Paris would coordinate international relief efforts after the colossal blast killed at least 137 people, wounded thousands and caused billions of dollars in damage.
But Macron also warned that Lebanon — already mired in a deep economic crisis, in desperate need of a bailout and hit by political turmoil — would “continue to sink” unless it implements urgent reforms.




Macron visiting the Gemayzeh neighborhood, which suffered extensive damage from the explosion. (AP photo)

Public anger is on the boil over the blast caused by a massive pile of ammonium nitrate that had for years lain in a ramshackle portside warehouse — proof to many Lebanese of the deep rot at the core of their state system.
Macron visited Beirut’s harborside blast zone, now a wasteland of blackened ruins, rubble and charred debris where a 140 meter wide crater has filled with sea water.
As Macron inspected a devastated pharmacy, angry crowds outside vented their fury at their “terrorist” leadership, shouting “revolution” and “the people want an end to the regime!“

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Macron’s visit to the small Mediterranean country, France’s Middle East protege and former colonial-era protectorate, was the first by a foreign head of state since Tuesday’s unprecedented tragedy.
Two days on, Lebanon was still reeling from a blast so huge it was felt in neighboring countries, its mushroom-shaped cloud drawing comparisons with the Hiroshima atom bomb.
“Apocalypse,” “Armageddon” — Lebanese were lost for words to describe the impact of the blast, which dwarfed anything the country had experienced in its violence-plagued history.
The deadly explosion left dozens more missing and a staggering 5,000 people wounded, many by flying shards of glass as windows imploded.

 

 

The death toll was expected to rise as rescue workers keep digging through the rubble.
Offering a glimmer of hope amid the carnage, a French rescuer said there was a “good chance of finding... people alive,” especially a group believed to be trapped in a room under the rubble.
“We are looking for seven or eight missing people, who could be stuck in a control room buried by the explosion,” the colonel told Macron as he surveyed the site.
Paris has spearheaded international mobilization in support of Lebanon, where flights carrying medical aid, field hospitals, rescue experts and tracking dogs have arrived since Wednesday.




Macron visits the devastated site of the explosion at the port of Beirut. (Reuters)

Beirut’s governor estimated up to 300,000 people have been left temporarily homeless by the destruction, which he said would cost the debt-ridden country in excess of three billion dollars.
According to several officials, the explosion was caused by a fire igniting 2,750 tons of ammonium nitrate fertilizer stored for years in the warehouse.
Even as they counted their dead and cleaned up the streets, many Lebanese were boiling with anger over a blast they see as the most shocking expression yet of their leadership’s incompetence.
“We can’t bear more than this. This is it. The whole system has got to go,” said 30-year-old Mohammad Suyur as he picked up broken glass in Mar Mikhail, one of the worst-hit city districts.

Prime Minister Hassan Diab and President Michel Aoun have promised to put the culprits behind bars, but trust in institutions is low and few on Beirut’s streets held out hope for an impartial inquiry.
The disaster could reignite a cross-sectarian protest movement that erupted last October and had looked briefly like it could topple what activists consider a hereditary kleptocracy.
The euphoria had faded amid grinding economic hardship and the coronavirus pandemic. But since the disaster, social media is once more rife with calls to kick out Lebanon’s widely reviled leaders.
“Lebanon’s political class should be on guard in the weeks ahead,” Faysal Itani of think-tank the Center for Global Policy wrote in The New York Times.
“Shock will inevitably turn to anger.”




 Macron walks with Lebanese President Michel Aoun upon his arrival at Beirut airport. (AFP)

Human Rights Watch supported mounting calls for an international probe into the disaster.
“An independent investigation with international experts is the best guarantee that victims of the explosion will get the justice they deserve,” the watchdog said.
In France, prosecutors have opened a probe into the blast over injuries suffered by 21 French citizens.
Amid the gloom and fury, the aftermath of the terrible explosion has also yielded countless uplifting examples of spontaneous solidarity.
Business owners swiftly took to social media, posting offers to repair doors, paint damaged walls or replace shattered windows for free.
Much of the cleanup has been handled by volunteers in improvised working groups who bring their own equipment and organize online appeals for help.
“We’re sending people into the damaged homes of the elderly and handicapped to help them find a home for tonight,” said Husam Abu Nasr, a 30-year-old volunteer.
“We don’t have a state to take these steps, so we took matters into our own hands.”


How Israel leverages planning laws to entrench control over East Jerusalem

Updated 11 sec ago
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How Israel leverages planning laws to entrench control over East Jerusalem

  • Record home demolitions reveal how zoning, permits and land registration are used to systematically displace Palestinians
  • Israeli human rights groups warn planning laws have become central tools for reshaping Jerusalem’s demography

LONDON: Last month, Jews in Israel and around the world celebrated the holiday of Hannukah, which commemorates the victory of Jewish rebels who rose up against the Greek occupiers of Jerusalem in the second century B.C.E.

Each year the week-long holiday, its timing determined by the Hebrew calendar, falls on different dates. This December it began on Dec. 14 and ended at nightfall on Dec. 22 — the same day Israeli forces bulldozed an apartment building in East Jerusalem.

This act of mass eviction left about 90 Palestinians homeless and drove home the reality that it is now the Jewish state that is the occupier in Jerusalem.

The 12-hour operation, supported by soldiers and a mob of stone-throwing Jewish youths, came without warning, despite the fact that the residents’ lawyer had a meeting scheduled with Jerusalem Municipality’s legal department that very day. 

Israeli forces gather as an excavator demolishes a building built without a permit in the east Jerusalem neighbourhood of Wadi Qaddum on December 22, 2025. (AFP)

The demolition of the building, which stood on private Palestinian land, was the largest such destruction of property in 2025, but was far from an isolated case. Since the start of the year, 143 Palestinian homes had already been demolished across East Jerusalem.

But, say human rights groups in Israel, this latest demolition shows Israel is stepping up its campaign of displacement in East Jerusalem under cover of international focus on Gaza, while at the same time ramping up the development of new illegal settlements.

The day before the demolition, Israel approved the establishment of 19 new settlements in the occupied West Bank.

“The heart of the issue is the outright discrimination in urban planning policies, which has led to years of systematic and deliberate neglect of urban development for Palestinians in East Jerusalem,” said architect Sari Kronish of the Israeli nongovernmental organization Bimkom — Planners for Planning Rights.

“In practice, inadequate and restrictive zoning plans were approved until they too were halted. The Palestinian population is therefore at an extreme disadvantage; there is only a nominal amount of land designated for Palestinian residential development — roughly 15 percent of East Jerusalem. 

Palestinian protesters march in a symbolic funerary parade in the Israeli-annexed east Jerusalem's predominantly Arab neighbourhood of Silwan on June 29, 2021, during a protest over Israel's planned evictions of Palestinian families from homes in the eastern sector. (AFP)

“Without residential land designation in an approved zoning plan, it is not possible to request a building permit.”

In addition, said Kronish, “the possibility of proving land ownership is also a major obstacle along the road to a building permit and depends on the regulations in place.

“Recently, these regulations have become more strict and are basically in line with the renewed process of land registration. Most of the land in East Jerusalem is not officially registered in the land registry; until 2018 the State of Israel adopted relatively lenient protocols to allow minimal planning and building despite this reality.

“But in recent years, new land registration processes have begun, replacing expropriation as the main form of land confiscation. All planning and building processes — zoning and permits — are currently subjugated to this process, and in effect halted.”

Constructed in 2014, the apartment building in Wadi Qaddum was demolished on the pretext that it lacked a building permit. 

Israeli security forces disperse Palestinians demonstrating following the Friday prayer in the Arab neighbourhood of Silwan in Israeli-annexed east Jerusalem on February 10, 2023, to protest the Israeli authorities' plan to demolish a building housing 13 Palestinian families. (AFP)

But, as Israeli human rights groups have pointed out repeatedly, building permits are impossible for Palestinians to procure without the existence of zoning plans approved by the Jerusalem municipality — plans which the Israeli authorities systematically neglect to advance or approve for Palestinian areas.

The building was constructed on a plot of land that was subsequently designated as green space, retroactively rendering it illegal.

The first attempt to knock it down, initiated by the far-right national security minister and settler leader Itamar Ben-Gvir, came in 2022. Following legal representation and the intervention of Israeli rights groups, the government granted two stays of execution, the first of 90 days and the second of 30.

These expired in February 2023, but the office of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu stepped in at the last minute and delayed the operation.

At the time, The Times of Israel, citing a Western diplomat, reported that “several Western embassies, including the American and British missions in Israel, (had) reached out to Netanyahu’s office, expressing their opposition to the demolition.” 

Israeli, Palestinian and foreign activists hold placards against Israeli occupation and house demolitions in east Jerusalem predominantly Arab neighbourhood of Silwan, on November 8, 2025 during a protest over Israel's planned evictions of Palestinian families from homes in the eastern sector's Silwan district. (AFP)

Now, say human rights groups, the world’s focus has moved away from events in the Occupied Territories, and the Israeli government is acting with increasing impunity.

Amy Cohen, director of international relations at the Israel NGO Ir Amim, or City of Nations, said that 2025 “saw the highest total number of demolitions in East Jerusalem on record, according to the available data.

“A total of 263 structures were demolished due to lacking building permits, including 148 residential units and 115 non-residential structures, placing 2025 at the top of the list in terms of total demolished structures.

“When comparing the number of residential units demolished, 2025 ranks second, after 2024, which recorded 181 demolished residential units, constituting the highest number of home demolitions on record.”

Israel’s motives, say human rights groups, are all too clear. 

Palestinian protesters clash with Israeli security forces in the Israeli-annexed east Jerusalem's predominantly Arab neighbourhood of Silwan on June 29, 2021, during a protest over Israel's planned evictions of Palestinian families from homes in the eastern sector. (AFP)

Since Israel’s occupation and illegal annexation of East Jerusalem in 1967, said Cohen, “Israeli policymaking has been driven by two main factors — the demographic and the territorial. In other words, maintaining a Jewish demographic majority and seizing as much control over land and resources as possible.

“One of the main tools used to carry out this goal is deliberate housing deprivation and the policy of selective demolitions under the guise of building-regulation enforcement.

“These in turn become mechanisms of displacement, pushing Palestinians out of the city while taking over more land for settlements and other Israeli interests.”

Bimkom says Palestinians, who constitute 40 percent of Jerusalem’s population, should be given equal rights to housing and shelter.

“The most basic way of doing this is by approving zoning plans for adequate residential development for the Palestinian population while halting land registration processes and the cruel policy of demolitions,” said Kronish. 

Israeli security forces fire tear gas to disperse Palestinian protesters amid clashes in the Israeli-annexed east Jerusalem's predominantly Arab neighbourhood of Silwan on June 29, 2021, following a protest over Israel's planned evictions of Palestinian families from homes in the eastern sector. (AFP)

“Rather than depleting the only remaining land reserves in and around Palestinian neighborhoods for Israeli settlements, which is happening at an exponential rate, these lands could be designated to meet the dire housing needs of the local residents.”

But neither Bimkom nor Ir Amin see any hope of such a change in policy.

“Given the record number of demolitions over the past two years, the near complete halt in planning processes for Palestinians, ever-increasing challenges to obtaining a building permit, and the fact that 2026 is an election year, there is reason to assume that the rate of demolitions will only increase,” said Cohen.

“Politicians will be looking to score political points, and unfortunately Palestinians often bear the brunt of this.”

Technically, the authority to demolish houses is vested in the municipality, said Daniel Seidemann, an Israeli lawyer and founder of the NGO Terrestrial Jerusalem, which monitors developments in the city that could affect the political process or spark conflict. 

Palestinians help an injured man during scuffles with Israeli police in the Arab east Jerusalem neighbourhood of Silwan as Israeli machinery demolish a Palestinian house at the site on May 10, 2022. (AFP)

“But it’s also vested in the government,” he said. “Once it was the Ministry of Interior, then the ministerial responsibility was transferred to the Finance Ministry, and then last year it was transferred to the Ministry of National Security, and that means Itamar Ben Gvir.”

Seidemann says he saw the symbolic demolition in Wadi Qaddum coming.

“They needed the approval of the Knesset, and the (Joe) Biden administration had considered this to be important enough that they interceded, and the move was not carried out back then. But then right before the summer recess, at 11 o’clock at night, they passed it.”

All the recent demolitions, he said, have been concentrated in the Palestinian neighborhood of Silwan, “and there is clear evidence that this is part of the drive to encircle the Old City with settlements and settlement-related projects.”

The international community, he believes, has lost the will to intervene. “That has been the case since the beginning of the war,” he said, referring to the conflict in Gaza that began in October 2023. 

“But with all the crises the world is currently dealing with, whether it’s climate change, Ukraine and now Venezuela, there just isn’t a lot of bandwidth left to deal with this. 

Israeli and foreign activists hold placards during a protest against Israeli occupation and house demolitions in East Jerusalem's predominantly Arab neighbourhood of Silwan, on December 19, 2025, over Israel's planned evictions of Palestinian families from homes in the eastern sector's Silwan district. (AFP)

“And it’s personal. I see the political officers in the embassies and the consulates, and they’re just overwhelmed.”

Once, he said, “in spite of all of his bluster, Netanyahu was risk-averse and engageable. He would be attentive, especially to the US, but also to European capitals. Now, he is following Ben-Gvir’s lead and he is un-engageable. He listens to nobody.”

One symptom of that is the dramatic increase in demolitions of Palestinian homes and the building of illegal settlements. But other consequences may be looming.

Given all the increased pressures on the Palestinian people since 2023, including the destruction of their homes and settler attacks, Seidemann has grave fears about what might happen in Jerusalem during Ramadan in February and March this year.

“The past couple of years, the Biden administration had senior officials sitting in Jerusalem, monitoring things, interceding, mediating, and it worked. They were able to elicit restraint from Netanyahu. But there is no guarantee that will be the case this year.

“Ben-Gvir is making no secret of his intention to radically change the status quo at Al-Aqsa, the Temple Mount. The West Bank and East Jerusalem is a tinder box, the entire region is on the brink in every imaginable front, and there is no issue more sensitive than Al-Aqsa.

“And what starts in Jerusalem doesn’t stay in Jerusalem.”