More witnesses added to lawsuit detailing Qatari Sheikh’s murderous lifestyle

Above, former employee Matthew Pittard, left, with Sheikh Khaled bin Hamad bin Abdullah Al-Thani. (Supplied file photo)
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Updated 17 June 2020
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More witnesses added to lawsuit detailing Qatari Sheikh’s murderous lifestyle

  • Six former employees of Sheikh Khaled provide frightening testimony into the violent underworld of the playboy race driver’s life of drugs, sexual perversions and violence

CHICAGO: Four additional witnesses have been added to a lawsuit accusing Qatari Sheikh Khaled bin Hamad Al-Thani of overseeing an ongoing conspiracy of violence that includes the murder of employee assigned to his wife, and plots to murder six other rivals.

In the lawsuit, six former employees of Sheikh Khaled, the brother of Qatar’s Emir Tamim bin Hamad Al-Thani, provide frightening testimony into the violent underworld of the playboy race driver’s life of drugs, sexual perversions and violence.

The six former employees are demanding unpaid wages, emotional distress, punitive damages, attorney fees and sanctions to prohibit retaliation and harassment.They are suing under the US Fair Labor Standards Act and the Federal RICO (Racketeer Influenced and Corruption Organization Act), which is usually used to target mobsters and street gangs.

One of the new plaintiffs, Terry Hope, said he witnessed Sheikh Khaled beat to death an Indian national who was employed as his wife’s driver because the victim was late in picking her up after a Doha shopping spree.

The alleged killing took place near the wife’s residence in a desert area near Doha reserved for the Al-Thani royal family’s private compounds.

The unnamed Indian male was buried in the desert behind the home with assistance from Qatar’s Royal Amiri Guard, according to the lawsuit.

Florida Attorney Rebecca Castaneda, who filed the lawsuit, said Sheikh Khaled “created an environment of hostility, falsely imprisoned employees, caused personal injury, assaulted and battered employees, inflicted emotional distress, engaged in retaliation, and intentionally interfered in business relationships.”

The original lawsuit was filed on July 23, 2019, on behalf of two employees, Matthew Pittard and Matthew Allende.

But Sheikh Khaled, a bigshot in the American race car industry, avoided being served, a requirement in US law.

On Jan. 2, 2020, Al-Anabi Racing USA LLC lawyers filed a motion on behalf of Sheikh Khaled, the owner, to dismiss the lawsuit, claiming that it was filed in the wrong federal jurisdiction, Florida, where Pittard lives.

Castaneda withdrew the lawsuit on Jan. 27 but refiled an expanded one in Boston’s Federal District Court, where Al-Anabi Racing and other racing subsidiaries owned by Sheikh Khaled are registered.

In addition to Pittard, Allende and Hope, the lawsuit includes testimony from former employees Robert Von Smith, Jason Mollenbrink and Ramez Tohme. All are American citizens.

In addition to naming Sheikh Khaled and 16 of his aliases, the lawsuit names 29 subsidiaries or “alter egos” of Al-Anabi Racing, and its President and CEO Donald Greenbaum, as defendants.

Greenbaum began working with the Al-Thani royal family providing export and import services. In 2007, the lawsuit states, he supervised the creation of Sheikh Khaled’s racing empire, organized racing teams and supervised racing in competitions that include the National Hot Rod Association.

According to the lawsuit, Sheikh Khaled and Al-Anabi Racing used monies controlled by the Qatar Olympic Committee and Ministry of Sports to pay for their growing stable of drivers and employees, and to purchase personal high-price vehicles including a Bugatti Veyron. The spending was allegedly approved by the Qatari government.

Al-Anabi Racing quickly expanded to compete in the Pro Modified Division in Dubai, the American Drag Racing League in Virginia and the Shakedown in Etown racing competition in New Jersey, winning several races but spending more than $10 million in its first three years.

The lawsuit says problems began when Sheikh Khaled got greedy, refusing to pay his employees unless they committed criminal acts.

He ordered local police to arrest and jail Tohme for disobeying his orders. Tohme spent a night in jail but was released when an unnamed Qatari magistrate judge told him: “Ramez, don’t worry. We are all aware of Sheikh Khaled’s actions and the things he does. I will release you, but I don’t want to hear anything bad about my country.”

The lawsuit says Sheikh Khaled ordered Hope and Pittard to execute “eight separate murder for hire plots” as a condition of employment. Hope was told to kill the head of an American racing circuit and his wife “to prove his loyalty.”

The sheikh also allegedly ordered the killing of a Bahraini royal family member who raced in the same competitions.

In another case, Castaneda said he ordered Allende and Pittard to murder a Moroccan woman who was a friend of the sheikh’s wife.

Castaneda said Sheikh Khaled feared that the woman was feeding embarrassing information to a Saudi national at a time when his brother the emir and Qatar were in a row with Saudi Arabia and three other Arab countries.

In February 2011 and 2012, the lawsuit alleges, Sheikh Khaled tried to rig the outcome of the Arabian Drag Racing Leagues’ Battle of the Belts Championship, hoping to boost his company’s international rankings.

Castaneda says she believes Sheikh Khaled also ordered the brutal beating and rape of Allende’s girlfriend in her home in Pasadena, California, in February 2020, after the original lawsuit was withdrawn.

The lawsuit hints at Al-Thani family problems, detailing how Sheikh Khaled suspected his brother the emir of secretly bugging his racing offices.

Sheikh Khaled allegedly ordered employees to hack the email accounts of several family members including his brother, the deputy emir of Qatar, and the accounts of a Bahraini race driver, a member of the Dubai royal family and a deputy emir in Dubai.

Sources told Arab News that Sheikh Khaled has been ordered to maintain a low profile due to publicity over the lawsuit, and he is restricted to a royal family beach house in Qatar.

Read the court filing:


Palestinians in the West Bank struggle to get by as Israel severely limits work permits

Updated 6 sec ago
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Palestinians in the West Bank struggle to get by as Israel severely limits work permits

  • Many Palestinians in the occupied West Bank are struggling to get by after losing their permits to work inside Israel
  • Israel revoked around 100,000 permits after Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023, attack ignited the war in the Gaza Strip
TULKAREM, West Bank: Hanadi Abu Zant hasn’t been able to pay rent on her apartment in the occupied West Bank for nearly a year after losing her permit to work inside Israel. When her landlord calls the police on her, she hides in a mosque.
“My biggest fear is being kicked out of my home. Where will we sleep, on the street?” she said, wiping tears from her cheeks.
She is among some 100,000 Palestinians whose work permits were revoked after Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023, attack ignited the war in the Gaza Strip. Confined to the occupied territory, where jobs are scarce and wages far lower, they face dwindling and dangerous options as the economic crisis deepens.
Some have sold their belongings or gone into debt as they try to pay for food, electricity and school expenses for their children. Others have paid steep fees for black-market permits or tried to sneak into Israel, risking arrest or worse if they are mistaken for militants.
Israel, which has controlled the West Bank for nearly six decades, says it is under no obligation to allow Palestinians to enter for work and makes such decisions based on security considerations. Thousands of Palestinians are still allowed to work in scores of Jewish settlements across the West Bank, built on land they want for a future state.
Risk of collapse
The World Bank has warned that the West Bank economy is at risk of collapse because of Israel’s restrictions. By the end of last year, unemployment had surged to nearly 30 percent compared with around 12 percent before the war, according to the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics.
Before the war, tens of thousands of Palestinians worked inside Israel, mainly in construction and service jobs. Wages can be more than double those in the landlocked West Bank, where decades of Israeli checkpoints, land seizures and other restrictions have weighed heavily on the economy. Palestinians also blame the Palestinian Authority, which exercises limited self-rule in parts of the territory, for not doing enough to create jobs.
About 100,000 Palestinians had work permits that were revoked after the outbreak of the war. Israel has since reinstated fewer than 10,000, according to Gisha, an Israeli group advocating for Palestinian freedom of movement.
Wages earned in Israel injected some $4 billion into the Palestinian economy in 2022, according to the Institute for National Security Studies, an Israeli think tank. That’s equivalent to about two-thirds of the Palestinian Authority’s budget that year.
An Israeli official said Palestinians do not have an inherent right to enter Israel, and that permits are subject to security considerations. The official spoke on condition of anonymity in line with regulations.
Israel seized the West Bank, Gaza and east Jerusalem in the 1967 Mideast war, territories the Palestinians want for a future state. Some 3 million Palestinians live in the West Bank, along with over 500,000 Israeli settlers who can come and go freely.
The war in Gaza has brought a spike in Palestinian attacks on Israelis as well as settler violence. Military operations that Israel says are aimed at dismantling militant groups have caused heavy damage in the West Bank and displaced tens of thousands of Palestinians.
‘My refrigerator, it’s empty’
After her husband left her five years ago, Abu Zant secured a job at a food-packing plant in Israel that paid around $1,400 a month, enough to support her four children. When the war erupted, she thought the ban would only last a few months. She baked pastries for friends to scrape by.
Hasan Joma, who ran a business in Tulkarem before the war helping people find work in Israel, said Palestinian brokers are charging more than triple the price for a permit.
While there are no definite figures, tens of thousands of Palestinians are believed to be working illegally in Israel, according to Esteban Klor, professor of economics at Israel’s Hebrew University and a senior researcher at the INSS. Some risk their lives trying to cross Israel’s separation barrier, which consists of 9-meter high (30-foot) concrete walls, fences and closed military roads.
Shuhrat Barghouthi’s husband has spent five months in prison for trying to climb the barrier to enter Israel for work, she said. Before the war, the couple worked in Israel earning a combined $5,700 a month. Now they are both unemployed and around $14,000 in debt.
“Come and see my refrigerator, it’s empty, there’s nothing to feed my children,” she said. She can’t afford to heat her apartment, where she hasn’t paid rent in two years. She says her children are often sick and frequently go to bed hungry.
Sometimes she returns home to see her belongings strewn in the street by the landlord, who has been trying to evict them.
Forced to work in settlements
Of the roughly 48,000 Palestinians who worked in Israeli settlements before the war, more than 65 percent have kept their permits, according to Gisha. The Palestinians and most of the international community view the settlements, which have rapidly expanded in recent years, as illegal.
Israeli officials did not respond to questions about why more Palestinians are permitted to work in the settlements.
Palestinians employed in the settlements, speaking on condition of anonymity for fear of retribution, say their employers have beefed up security since the start of the war and are far more willing to fire anyone stepping out of line, knowing there are plenty more desperate for work.
Two Palestinians working in the Mishor Adumim settlement said security guards look through workers’ phones and revoke their permits arbitrarily.
Israelis have turned to foreign workers to fill jobs held by Palestinians, but some say it’s a poor substitute because they cost more and do not know the language. Palestinians speak Arabic, but those who work in Israel are often fluent in Hebrew.
Raphael Dadush, an Israeli developer, said the permit crackdown has resulted in costly delays.
Before the war, Palestinians made up more than half his workforce. He’s tried to replace them with Chinese workers but says it’s not exactly the same. He understands the government’s decision, but says it’s time to find a way for Palestinians to return that ensures Israel’s security.
Assaf Adiv, the executive director of an Israeli group advocating for Palestinian labor rights, says there has to be some economic integration or there will be “chaos.”
“The alternative to work in Israel is starvation and desperation,” he said.