Iraqi government in turmoil over PMC bid to form own air force

An official document ordering the formation of an air force directorate linked exclusively to the PMC was circulated on Thursday. (AFP)
Updated 07 September 2019
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Iraqi government in turmoil over PMC bid to form own air force

  • Efforts to restructure the Popular Mobilization Commission’s factions have exposed deep divisions between its head and his deputy

BAGHDAD: The Iraqi government has been thrown into turmoil in a bitter row over moves by one of the leaders of Popular Mobilization Commission (PMC) to form its own air force directorate.

Efforts to restructure and institutionalize the PMC factions have exposed deep divisions between the head of the PMC, Falih Al-Fayyadh, and his deputy Abu Mahdi Al-Muhandis, one of the most powerful men in Iraq.

The PMC is a government body established by former Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri Al-Maliki in 2014 to provide an umbrella organization for armed factions and individuals who volunteered to fight Daesh alongside the Iraqi government after the Iraqi army collapsed and fled, leaving almost a third of the country’s territories in the north and west at the mercy of terrorists.

It consists of tens of thousands of fighters, most of whom come from pro-Iranian Shiite militias. Controlling an ideological, militarily armed combat force that equates to the armament of the Iraqi Army but not subject to the Iraqi government.

On Thursday, the PMC media circulated an official document signed by Al-Muhandis ordering the formation of an air force directorate linked exclusively to the PMC.

The order has been met with widespread political and popular criticism, as Iraq has had an air force since 1931 and opponents see no justification for setting up a new, similar, parallel force.

One prominent Shiite politician told Arab News that Al-Muhandis’ document represented a “flagrant” violation of the powers of the commander-in-chief of the Iraqi armed forces, and an open “challenge” to the authorities of the Iraqi government by the vice chairman of the PMC “who has no administrative or military powers to qualify to issue such orders.”

Muqtada Al-Sadr, one of the most powerful Shiite clerics in Iraq who controls the biggest parliamentary bloc and armed faction, has threatened to withdraw his support for Iraqi Prime Minister Adel Abdul-Mahdi’s government over the issue and put it at the mercy of “riots.”

In a tweet on Thursday evening, Al-Sadr said: “This is a declaration of the end of the Iraqi government and a transition from a state controlled by law to a state controlled by riots. If the government does not take firm actions (over Al-Muhandis’ order), I declare that I have nothing to do with it.”

Forty minutes after Al-Sadr had tweeted, Al-Fayyadh’s office issued a brief statement denying the authenticity of the formation of a special air command for the PMC.

It is not the first time in recent weeks that Al-Fayyadh and Al-Muhandis have issued conflicting statements. When Al-Muhandis said the PMC held the US responsible for bombing weapon depots in Iraq and would target its aircraft, Al-Fayyadh replied the next day saying Al-Muhandis’ statement represented his personal point of view and did not reflect the position of the Iraqi government or the PMC.

“The conflict within the body (PMC) has become a personal struggle between Al-Fayyadh and Al-Muhandis. The Iranians have nothing to do with it this time,” a senior commander of one of the PMC factions told Arab News.

“The man (Al-Muhandis) does not have any powers to issue such an order and this is known to all. He embarrassed himself, embarrassed the body (PMC) and embarrassed the Iranians. I find no explanation for this other than confusion, the man is angry and seeks to restore his powers within the body.”

Al-Muhandis or Jamal Jafaar, who was born in the Iraqi city of Basra in 1954, is wanted by several countries, including the US, France and Kuwait. He is one of the founders of the Popular Mobilization Units (PMU), and founder of numerous pro-Iranian armed factions, including Kata’ib Hezbollah-Iraq and Asaib Ahl Al-Haq, the most powerful Iraqi Shiite militias.

The funding and equipment provided by Iran to any armed Iraqi faction was only recommended by him in the years since 2003. He also controlled the monthly salaries paid by the Iraqi government to PMC fighters until 2016.

Al-Muhandis lost most of his tools to control the factions within the PMC after the end of military operations and efforts by former Iraqi premier Haider Abadi and then Abdul-Mahdi to regain control of the PMC and its fighters under international, regional and local pressure represented by the supreme authority in Najaf, Grand Ayatollah Ali Al-Sistani, leader of the Shiite community in Iraq.

“After approving the plan to structure and institutionalize the PMC factions, Najaf (Al-Sistani) explicitly demanded to neutralize Al-Muhandis and limit his powers,” a senior commander of PMC told Arab News.

“Al-Fayyadh demanded the restoration of his powers and refused to give up any of them to Al-Muhandis and Iran agreed to this. Al-Muhandis has become a burden on them (the Iranians) and acts contrary to their directions.”

Al-Muhandis, which means the engineer, still enjoys the support of many of the leaders of the armed factions inside and outside the PMC, and now openly challenges the Iraqi government, observers told Arab News.

His presence in the PMC has become a threat both to the commission and the government domestically and internationally, experts say. The US, other countries in the region, and most Iraqis now see him as undermining stability and security in Iraq.

“It could be said that Al-Muhandis has become almost a burning card (for the Iranians),” a senior commander of the Badr Organization, the biggest pro-Iran Shiite faction, told Arab News. “There is concern inside and outside the PMC of his usual quest to control a bloc within the body (PMC) that is not under the control of the government.

“The situation is sensitive and playing with fire is not in the interest of any party in Iraq. The fear of an outbreak of the situation prevented his (Al-Muhandis’) dismissal two weeks ago.”


As Iran conflict spills over, Iraq’s Kurds say ‘this war is not mine’

Updated 58 min 7 sec ago
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As Iran conflict spills over, Iraq’s Kurds say ‘this war is not mine’

  • The Kurds, an ethnic minority with a distinct culture and language, are rooted in the mountainous region spread across Turkiye, Syria, Iraq and Iran
  • “This isn’t my war,” said 58-year-old Satar Barsirini

SORAN, Iraq: On a deserted road not too far from the border between Iran and Iraqi Kurdistan, Satar Barsirini looked up at the sky, now streaked with jets and drones.
Iraq’s Kurdish region has found itself caught in the crossfire of a regional war triggered by US and Israeli attacks on the Islamic republic.
Dressed like the Kurdish fighters he once served alongside, Barsirini still wears the khaki shalwar, fitted jacket and scarf wrapped around his waist.
Though recently retired, he refuses to give up his peshmerga uniform as he tills his small plot of land.
The rumble of jets and hum of drones “come from everywhere. Especially at night,” he told AFP in the hamlet of Barsirini, dozens of kilometers from the border.
He described the “shiver in our flesh” as the drones hit the ground outside.
“I feel bad for the people, because we have paid a lot in blood to liberate Kurdistan... We just want to live.”
Irbil, the autonomous region’s capital, and the valleys leading to the border have been targeted by Tehran and the Iraqi armed groups it supports.
American bases there have come under fire, as have positions held by Iranian Kurdish parties — the same ones US President Donald Trump said it would be “wonderful” to see storm Iran.
But Iran warned on Friday it would target facilities in Iraqi Kurdistan if fighters crossed into its territory.
“This isn’t my war,” said 58-year-old Barsirini.
He recalled the brutal repression and flight into the snowy mountains after the 1991 Kurdish uprising that followed the first Gulf War.

- ‘Dangerous people’ -

The uprising was repressed, leading to an exodus of two million Kurds to Iran and Turkiye.
“When we fled the cities for our lives, we went to Iran. They helped us, they gave us shelter and food,” he said.
The Kurds would not forget that, Barsirini stressed, adding that they could not just “turn against them” now to support the US and Israel.
“I don’t trust (Americans). They are dangerous people,” he said.
The Kurds, an ethnic minority with a distinct culture and language, are rooted in the mountainous region spread across Turkiye, Syria, Iraq and Iran.
They have long fought for their own homeland, but for decades suffered defeats on the battlefield and massacres in their hometowns.
They make up one of Iran’s most important non-Persian ethnic minority groups.
A week of war has gripped daily life in Iraqi Kurdistan, residents told AFP.
“People are afraid,” said Nasr Al-Din, a 42-year-old policeman who, as a child, lived through the 1991 exodus — “thrown on a donkey’s back with my sister.”
“This generation is different from the older ones” that have seen “seen fighting.”
Now, he said, you could be “sitting down in your home... and all of a sudden a drone hits your house.”
“We may have to go into town or somewhere safer,” said Issa Diayri, 31, a truck driver waiting in a roadside garage, his lorry idle for lack of deliveries from Iran.

- ‘Shouldn’t get involved’ -

Soran, a small town of 3,000 people about 65 kilometers (40 miles) from the border, was hit Thursday by a drone that fell in the middle of a street.
There, baker Yussef Ramazan, 42, and his three apprentices, hurriedly made bread before breaking their fast.
But, living so close to the Iranian border, he said “people are afraid to come and buy it.”
He told AFP he did not think it was a good idea “for the Kurdish region to get involved in this war.”
“We are not even an independent country yet. We would like to become one, but we are nothing for now, so we shouldn’t get involved in these situations.”
Across the street, Hajji watched from his empty dry cleaning shop as the road cleared.
Before the war, the town was crowded as evening fell, he said, declining to give his full name.
“But after the drone explosion, no one was here. In five minutes, everyone left the street and no one was out.”