Washington Post reporter’s memoir recounts imprisonment in Iran

Jason Rezaian, former Tehran bureau chief for the Washington Post, who was imprisoned by Iranian authorities in 2014, poses for a portrait at the Washington Post on February 20, 2019 in Washington, DC. (AFP / Brendan Smialowski)
Updated 26 February 2019
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Washington Post reporter’s memoir recounts imprisonment in Iran

  • Jason Rezaian spent 544 days in an Iranian prison
  • He was accused by the Iranian authorities of being a CIA spy

WASHINGTON: A pawn in a game of international chess, Jason Rezaian, the Tehran correspondent for The Washington Post, spent 544 days in an Iranian prison.
As Rezaian languished behind bars in Evin Prison, the high-stakes match was being played over the future of Iran’s nuclear program.
“I was treated as an Iranian but when it came time to make a trade, I was traded as an American,” Rezaian, the son of an Iranian-born father and an American mother, told AFP in an interview. “It is a hypocritical way, but a very Iranian way of doing business.”
Rezaian, 42, who was born and raised in California, recounts his 18-month ordeal in a memoir, “Prisoner,” which came out at the end of January.
Rezaian and his wife, Yeganah, were arrested on July 22, 2014 after he returned from Vienna, where he had covered a negotiating session between Iran and the P5+1 — the five permanent members of the UN Security Council plus Germany.
After years of economic sanctions, the talks had officially resumed following the June 2013 election of moderate Hassan Rouhani to the Iranian presidency.
The two sides were working toward an agreement governing Iran’s nuclear program, which Tehran insisted was for civilian purposes but Western intelligence agencies suspected had military goals.
Rezaian, who had worked for the Post for two years and was well acquainted with the restrictions on foreign reporters in Iran, was accused by the Iranian authorities of being the station chief for the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in Tehran.
His Iranian interrogators were particularly suspicious about a quixotic Kickstarter campaign he launched to bring avocados — a fruit that is not found in Iran — to the Islamic Republic.
“To take a Kickstarter project on an avocado farm, such a silly thing, and turn this into proof that you are the CIA station chief in Tehran is ridiculous,” Rezaian said.
He soon came to realize that his “value” and that of his Iranian-born wife was linked to the delicate negotiations over the future of Iran’s nuclear program.
“Very early on, they would say ‘just a journalist has no value for us’ — they kept talking about value, value,” Rezaian said.
“Iran has been famous for taking hostages, and using those hostages for trade for many years,” he added in a reference to the 1979 seizure of American diplomats in Tehran, a move which led to the rupture in relations between the two countries.

Caught in the middle of a power struggle

Rezaian and his wife also found themselves caught up in the middle of a power struggle among the leadership of the Islamic Republic over the nuclear deal and the country’s relations with the West.
“The (faction) that didn’t want relationships (with the West) was responsible for my arrest and they were doing everything they could to undermine the negotiations between the Rouhani administration and (P5+1),” he said.
“It was a very complex situation as — at the same time — Rouhani’s folks that were negotiating understood that they could use me as leverage as well,” the journalist said.
During his 18 months in Evin Prison, in northern Tehran, Rezaian was interrogated, threatened with dismemberment and told he could receive life in prison or even the death sentence.
He was told he would be freed if he pleaded guilty to espionage. Put on trial behind closed doors in 2015, Rezaian pleaded not guilty.
Rezaian said his prison conditions improved somewhat as the months dragged on. His wife was released after 72 days and he was allowed visits by his mother.
The Washington Post, his brother, Ali, and press freedom groups launched a campaign seeking his release.
“I realized that it needed to be as loud as possible because at that point it became a political issue and it was my only chance,” Rezaian said. “For innocent people who are captured and used as leverage, it’s imperative to keep their name out there.”
Rezaian was released along with three other Americans on January 16, 2016 — the day the nuclear agreement signed in Vienna on July 14, 2015 went into force.
“My fate was tied up with how the deal was going to be implemented,” he said.
Rezaian said his first months back home were difficult.
“We will never return to the life we had and it took me many months to understand it,” he said. “In the first months I thought I was like, broken.
“I could not sleep at night,” he said, and was “very paranoid.”
Since his release, Rezaian has campaigned for the release of other foreigners or dual nationals held by Iran such as Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe, a British-Iranian who has been detained since April 2016, and Iranian-Americans Baquer and Siamak Namazi.
Rezaian’s advice to other members of the press working in Iran is to be “very careful.”
“Take all the necessary precautions,” he said. “Because unfortunately, the likelihood is that it will happen again to somebody else.”


Saudi Media Forum urges ethical coverage as crises redefine Arab journalism

Updated 04 February 2026
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Saudi Media Forum urges ethical coverage as crises redefine Arab journalism

  • Raw news without context can mislead audiences and distort credibility, experts say

RIYADH: Arab media was born in crisis and shaped by conflict rather than stability, Malik Al-Rougi, general manager of Thaqafeyah Channel, said during the Saudi Media Forum in Riyadh on Wednesday.

Al-Rougi was speaking during a panel titled “Media and Crises: The Battle for Awareness and the Challenges of Responsible Coverage,” which examined how news organizations across the region navigated credibility and professional standards amid fast-moving regional developments.

“Today, when you build a media organization and invest in it for many years, a single crisis can destroy it,” he said.

Referring to recent events, Al-Rougi said that he had witnessed news channels whose credibility “collapsed overnight.”

“In journalistic and political terms, this is not a process of news production. It is a process of propaganda production,” he said. “The damage caused by such a post … is enormous for an institution in which millions, perhaps billions, have been invested.”

When a media outlet shifts from professionalism and credibility toward “propaganda,” he added, it moves away from its core role. 

Saudi media leaders, journalists, and experts gathered at the Saudi Media Forum in Riyadh to discuss credibility, ethics, and innovation. (AN photo by Huda Bashatah/Supplied)

“A crisis can work for you or against you,” Al-Rougi added. “When, in the heart of a crisis, you demonstrate high credibility and composure, you move light-years ahead. When you fail to adhere to ethical standards, you lose light-years as well.”

Abdullah Al-Assaf, professor of political media studies at Imam Muhammad bin Saud Islamic University, said that in many crises across the Arab world, agendas and directives had often prevailed over professionalism.

“Credibility was buried,” he added.

Hasan Al-Mustafa, writer and researcher at Al-Arabiya channel, said that raw information could be subject to multiple interpretations if not placed within a proper political, security, historical or geographical context.

He added that such an approach was urgently needed during periods of political and security volatility in the Middle East. 

When, in the heart of a crisis, you demonstrate high credibility and composure, you move light-years ahead. When you fail to adhere to ethical standards, you lose light-years as well.

Malik Al-Rougi Thaqafeyah, Channel general manager

“This objectivity, or this reliability, is a great responsibility,” Al-Mustafa said. “It is reflected not only in its impact on the audience, but also on the credibility of the content creator.”

Al-Mustafa warned against populism and haste in coverage, saying that they risked deepening crises rather than providing informed public perspectives.

He also said that competition with social media influencers had pushed some traditional outlets to imitate influencer-driven models instead of strengthening their own professional standards.

“Our media has been crisis-driven for decades,” he said, describing much of the region’s coverage as reactive rather than proactive.

During a separate panel titled “The Official Voice in the Digital Age: Strategies of Influence,” speakers discussed how rapid technological and social changes were reshaping the role of institutional spokespersons.

Abdulrahman Alhusain, official spokesperson of the Saudi Ministry of Commerce, said that the role was no longer limited to delivering statements or reacting to events.

“Today, the spokesperson must be the director of the scene — the director of the media narrative,” he said.

Audiences, he added, no longer accept isolated pieces of information unless they were presented within a clear narrative and structure.

“In the past, a spokesperson was expected to deliver formal presentations. Today, what is required is dialogue. The role may once required defense, but now it must involve discussion, the exchange of views, and open, candid conversation aimed at development — regardless of how harsh the criticism may be.”

He said that spokespersons must also be guided by data, digital indicators and artificial intelligence to understand public opinion before speaking.

“You must choose the right timing, the right method and the right vocabulary. You must anticipate a crisis before it happens. That is your role.”

Abdullah Aloraij, general manager of media at the Riyadh Region Municipality, said that the most important skill for a spokesperson today was the ability to analyze and monitor public discourse.

“The challenge is not in transferring words, but in transferring understanding and impact in the right way,” he said.