Unrest disrupts Sudan’s Bashir’s push for vital financial support

The protests are the most sustained challenge to Bashir since he took power in a coup nearly 30 years ago. (Reuters)
Updated 03 January 2019
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Unrest disrupts Sudan’s Bashir’s push for vital financial support

  • The protests risk propelling Sudan deeper into crisis, upending Bashir’s attempt to stave off financial collapse
  • Officials have acknowledged 19 deaths in the demonstrations

KHARTOUM, CAIRO: Short of time to save his sinking economy, Sudan’s President Omar Bashir boarded a Russian jet on Dec. 17 and became the first Arab leader to visit Damascus since 2011, renewing what has been seen as a push for the financial help he needs to survive.

Events at home soon caught up with him. Two days later, demonstrators angered by bread price rises torched the ruling party headquarters in the city of Atbara, setting off two weeks of protests that quickly spread across the country, with crowds calling on Bashir to step down.

The protests are the most sustained challenge to Bashir since he took power in a coup nearly 30 years ago, more widespread and longer-lasting than bouts of unrest in September 2013 and January 2018.

They risk propelling Sudan deeper into crisis, upending Bashir’s attempt to stave off financial collapse and destabilizing a country beset by simmering internal conflicts that straddles Africa and the Middle East.

“What we are witnessing today is the second and stronger wave of the protests that swept Sudan in September 2013. Frustration with the rising cost of living has been building up and is now boiling over again,” said independent analyst Muhammad Osman.

Officials have acknowledged 19 deaths in the demonstrations. Bashir has survived as one of the region’s longest serving leaders, riding out 20 years of US sanctions.

The protests come as the 75-year-old has been pushing to shore up his position economically as well as politically, lobbying to be removed from the list of countries, along with Syria, Iran and North Korea, that the US considers state sponsors of terrorism.

That listing has prevented an influx of investment and financial aid that Sudan was hoping for when the US lifted sanctions October 2017, according to economists.

Spiraling inflation

Instead, Sudan has been rapidly expanding its money supply to finance its budget deficit, causing spiraling inflation officially recorded at nearly 70 percent and a steep decline in the value of its currency.

During his trip to Damascus, Bashir was courting the Russians by helping rehabilitate their ally Bashar Assad after Syria’s civil war in order to win financial support, analysts said.

Bashir has also sought favor with Gulf states including Saudi Arabia and the UE, cutting ties with Iran in 2016 and contributing troops to the Arab coalition in Yemen, even while maintaining close relations with two of their regional rivals, Qatar and Turkey.

“The confusion in Sudanese foreign policy and the shift from one alliance to another is caused by the severe economic crisis in the country and President Al-Bashir wants to obtain quick economic aid,” said Faisal Mohamed Saleh, a journalist and political analyst in Khartoum.

Those economic problems, at the root of discontent that has simmered for years, accelerated after Sudan lost three-quarters of its oil production when the south of the country seceded in 2011.

In the eyes of protesters, the economic troubles are deeply entwined with corruption and mismanagement in the political elite and the ruling National Congress Party (NCP), said Amjed Farid Eltayeb, an activist and spokesman for the Sudan Change Now movement.

“The NCP for the last 30 years have directed most of the national budget to the security apparatus, to the militias, and they cut all the funding of the social services, education, health,” he said.

“So those people who are now in the streets have no social protection nets, they are alone in a battle with fate ... they have nothing to lose.”

Leaderless protests

Opposition parties are emasculated, and the protests so far are leaderless, with demonstrators coalescing in individual towns and neighborhoods, and circumventing blocks on social media to share information on the web.

Chanting the line made famous in the Arab Spring protests of 2011 — “The people want the fall of the regime” — they have continued to rally despite security forces using live ammunition, tear gas, and stun grenades to disperse them.

With Sudan in its worst economic crisis since independence in 1956, Bashir risks the fate of other authoritarian rulers toppled eight years ago unless the NCP switches candidate ahead of elections due next year, said Eltayeb Zine Al-Abedine, a political science professor at the University of Khartoum.

“The economic crisis and public discontent are lessening the chances of President Omar Al-Bashir running for the 2020 elections,” he said.

But Bashir shows no sign of stepping aside. Members of Khartoum’s Parliament, which is dominated by the NCP, proposed a constitutional amendment last month to extend term limits that would have required Bashir to step down in 2020.

Since the demonstrations began, Bashir has appeared largely unperturbed, tempering his talk of conspiracies against Sudan with pledges of economic reform, calls for restraint and the announcement of a fact-finding committee — steps dismissed by protesters as symbolic.

“We are committed to holding free and fair elections in 2020, and we ask that all political powers prepare to participate,” Bashir said on Monday.


‘No one to back us’: Arab bus drivers in Israel grapple with racist attacks

Updated 37 min 53 sec ago
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‘No one to back us’: Arab bus drivers in Israel grapple with racist attacks

  • “People began running toward me and shouting at me, ‘Arab, Arab!’” recalled Khatib, a Palestinian from east Jerusalem

JERUSALEM: What began as an ordinary shift for Jerusalem bus driver Fakhri Khatib ended hours later in tragedy.
A chaotic spiral of events, symptomatic of a surge in racist violence targeting Arab bus drivers in Israel, led to the death of a teenager, Khatib’s arrest and calls for him to be charged with aggravated murder.
His case is an extreme one, but it sheds light on a trend bus drivers have been grappling with for years, with a union counting scores of assaults in Jerusalem alone and advocates lamenting what they describe as an anaemic police response.

Palestinian women wait for a bus at a stop near Israel's controversial separation barrier in the Dahiat al-Barit suburb of east Jerusalem on February 15, 2026. (AFP)

One evening in early January, Khatib found his bus surrounded as he drove near the route of a protest by Israel’s ultra-Orthodox Jewish community.
“People began running toward me and shouting at me, ‘Arab, Arab!’” recalled Khatib, a Palestinian from east Jerusalem.
“They were cursing at me and spitting on me, I became very afraid,” he told AFP.
Khatib said he called the police, fearing for his life after seeing soaring numbers of attacks against bus drivers in recent months.
But when no police arrived after a few minutes, Khatib decided to drive off to escape the crowd, unaware that 14-year-old Yosef Eisenthal was holding onto his front bumper.
The Jewish teenager was killed in the incident and Khatib arrested.
Police initially sought charges of aggravated murder but later downgraded them to negligent homicide.
Khatib was released from house arrest in mid-January and is awaiting the final charge.

Breaking windows

Drivers say the violence has spiralled since the start of the Gaza war in October 2023 and continued despite the ceasefire, accusing the state of not doing enough to stamp it out or hold perpetrators to account.
The issue predominantly affects Palestinians from annexed east Jerusalem and the country’s Arab minority, Palestinians who remained in what is now Israel after its creation in 1948 and who make up about a fifth of the population.
Many bus drivers in cities such as Jerusalem and Haifa are Palestinian.
There are no official figures tracking racist attacks against bus drivers in Israel.
But according to the union Koach LaOvdim, or Power to the Workers, which represents around 5,000 of Israel’s roughly 20,000 bus drivers, last year saw a 30 percent increase in attacks.
In Jerusalem alone, Koach LaOvdim recorded 100 cases of physical assault in which a driver had to be evacuated for medical care.
Verbal incidents, the union said, were too numerous to count.
Drivers told AFP that football matches were often flashpoints for attacks — the most notorious being those of the Beitar Jerusalem club, some of whose fans have a reputation for anti-Arab violence.
The situation got so bad at the end of last year that the Israeli-Palestinian grassroots group Standing Together organized a “protective presence” on buses, a tactic normally used to deter settler violence against Palestinians in the Israeli-occupied West Bank.
One evening in early February, a handful of progressive activists boarded buses outside Jerusalem’s Teddy Stadium to document instances of violence and defuse the situation if necessary.
“We can see that it escalates sometimes toward breaking windows or hurting the bus drivers,” activist Elyashiv Newman told AFP.
Outside the stadium, an AFP journalist saw young football fans kicking, hitting and shouting at a bus.
One driver, speaking on condition of anonymity, blamed far-right National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir for whipping up the violence.
“We have no one to back us, only God.”

‘Crossing a red line’ 

“What hurts us is not only the racism, but the police handling of this matter,” said Mohamed Hresh, a 39-year-old Arab-Israeli bus driver who is also a leader within Koach LaOvdim.
He condemned a lack of arrests despite video evidence of assaults, and the fact that authorities dropped the vast majority of cases without charging anyone.
Israeli police did not respond to AFP requests for comment on the matter.
In early February, the transport ministry launched a pilot bus security unit in several cities including Jerusalem, where rapid-response motorcycle teams will work in coordination with police.
Transport Minister Miri Regev said the move came as violence on public transport was “crossing a red line” in the country.
Micha Vaknin, 50, a Jewish bus driver and also a leader within Koach LaOvdim, welcomed the move as a first step.
For him and his colleague Hresh, solidarity among Jewish and Arab drivers in the face of rising division was crucial for change.
“We will have to stay together,” Vaknin said, “not be torn apart.”