Victims of Taliban extortion network speak of their ordeals

Despite being flushed out of Pakistan by the security forces, the Taliban has found local criminals to make their extortion demands for them. (REUTERS photo)
Updated 01 August 2018
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Victims of Taliban extortion network speak of their ordeals

  • Chief of Taliban’s Karachi chapter would be primarily tasked to raise funds, a lion’s share of which would come from extorting Pashtun, especially Mehsud traders and contractors, according to senior counter-terrorism official
  • Most extortion calls come from inside Afghanistan and cannot be traced due to the poor capacity of Kabul government.

KARACHI: Siraj Khan, a Peshawar based exporter, is planning to move to Europe with his family. Khan, a nostalgic resident of the city, is not moving abroad because his business is failing at home. He has made billions of rupees by exporting precious minerals from Pakistan’s tribal areas and Afghanistan to the international market. His exports have also contributed to his country’s economy.

His move is prompted, Khan told Arab News, by a surge in extortion calls from Afghanistan.
When Khan bought property in Peshawar’s Hayatabad Industrial Estate (HIE) in 2013 it brought him under the militants’ radar. 
“I got a call and the caller introduced himself as a commander of Mangal Bagh and asked for extortion money,” Khan told Arab News, adding that he paid extortion money not realizing that more and more calls would follow.
“After it became a daily occurrence, I decided to move along with my family to Islamabad,” Khan added, describing how he threw his SIM cards away so that his family could not be reached by militant groups.
When peace began to return to the Peshawar valley and adjacent tribal areas, Khan, who was homesick for Peshawar, decided to move back last December. For four months all was well until a call in March made him realize his error. 
“I made a mistake moving back to Peshawar,” said Khan. Although he informed law enforcement agencies, but he was told that nothing could be done because the calls came from the other side of the Durand line – a border between Pakistan and Afghanistan. “I was advised to take care of myself.”
The calls continued. Meanwhile, Fazlullah was hit by US drone on June 14, but the news that Noor Wali Mehsud, who had been instrumental in expanding Taliban extortion network, had been appointed TTP chief made Khan even more worried. Finally he decided to move to Europe. “I can’t get myself and my children killed,” he said.
No clue
Experts see no end to the calls from Afghanistan. “The Government in Kabul is weak and it cannot even trace the extortion calls, which, along with kidnapping, has become key source of income for its own warlords who were previously getting foreign funding,” Lehaz Ali, a Peshawar-based journalist who specializes in security-related issues, explained.
Although the Taliban have been eradicated by Pakistan security forces, they have found local criminals to execute their extortion plans on their behalf. 
“Local militants and criminal elements now play an important role in execution of the extortion calls”.
Omar Shahid, a senior counter terrorism officer and author of bestsellers on Karachi’s violence, said Karachi chief of Taliban would be primarily tasked to raise funds, a lion’s share of which would come from extorting Pashtun, especially Mehsud traders and contractors.
“With the Taliban network in Karachi now being dismantled and the calls from Afghanistan can’t be executed by TTP, these may certainly be resulting in mental stress for the victims.” 
To have complete control the extortion menace, Shahid suggested, country to country and intelligence agency to intelligence agency cooperation between Pakistan and Afghanistan were needed.
Back to Mehsud
Most of the extortion victims being interviewed by Arab News in Peshawar and Karachi have described being contacted by militants from their own tribes, for instance, a Swati was contacted by a militant from Swat, a Mohmand was called by Mohmand militant, and a Mehsud was phoned by a Mehsud militant for extortion. Thus the appointment of Mehsud as new TTP chief has scared Hajji Mahmudullah, a Mehsud tribal elder, who runs a transport business in Karachi. He said that his insult by Taliban militants still haunts his dreams.
Miserable stories
Mahmudullah’s crime was that he bailed out a community member and left his colleague, a Taliban activist, behind bars. The Taliban, he said, accused him of helping police to arrest a militant and then told him that he could save his life either by brining the militant out of lockup or pay compensation.
After sending Jirga to North Waziristan, Mehsud went to the Taliban’s headquarters. The militants had refused to settle until he visited them. Mahmudullah arrived in Tank and was accompanied by local elders for going to Meeranshah.
“When I entered the room, a commander addressed me and said I would have cut your mustache if you had resisted for one more day,” he recalled. He was made to wait and was insulted in an effort to provoke him, but he controlled his anger.
After an ordeal lasting several days, Mehsud negotiated to pay 2 million rupees and was told he could leave Waziristan once TTP’s man had collected the amount in Karachi. 
“It was really humiliating. I will never even think of doing any good to anyone in future.”
Hajji Mahmudullah is not the only one who is haunted by Taliban’s past.
The eight-year old son of Shah Muhammad Khan, a Karachi-based contractor from Malakand agency, escaped kidnapping four years back. Khan said he had to look to his Mehsud partners after the police refused to help. 
When he visited Quaidabad police station, Khan was told no FIR against Taliban could be lodged. 
“The duty officer, probably, didn’t want to invite the wrath of the Taliban, who had killed two policemen couple of days earlier,” Khan told Arab News. He added that after several months’ negotiation, a settlement was reached that one well-off Mehsud friend of Khan’s would pay 30,000 a month to cover medical treatment for the families of militants.
Local Connections
In most cases the victim has been called by a militant belonging to his tribe.
Muhammad Jamal, a resident of Swat valley, whose brother and son work in the US, was approached for extortion from Kunar, Afghanistan, few months ago. The caller, Jamal said, was a former TTP commander in Swat, who through his local informers had gathered information about him.
Jamal, who lives in Bara Banda, the village of slain TTP chief Mullah Fazlullah, said he is now at ease again as the calls from Afghanistan have come to a halt after the reported death of Fazlullah.
Azmat Khan, a scrap dealer in Karachi and Muhammad Mustaqeem, a trader in Peshawar, said they have paid the Mohmand faction of the Taliban. Both Khan and Mustaqeem belong to Mohmand tribe of Pashtuns.
Ali says businessmen are not the only victims. Several actors and doctors in Peshawar have been targeted and several doctors have been kidnapped in the past, only to secure their freedom after the payment of a hefty ransom.


Ex-president’s war crimes trial sparks fierce debate in Kosovo

Updated 4 sec ago
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Ex-president’s war crimes trial sparks fierce debate in Kosovo

PRISTINA: In Kosovo, where former guerrilla leaders are still celebrated as heroes, the war crimes trial of ex-president Hashim Thaci and other senior commanders has reignited bitter debate over the legacy of the independence struggle.
The trial in The Hague, which hears closing statements this week, involves Thaci and three other senior figures in the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) during the 1990s war against Serbia.
All are charged with war crimes and crimes against humanity, with prosecutors alleging they bear criminal responsibility for murders, torture and illegal detentions carried out by KLA members.
Thaci, who immediately resigned from the presidency after his indictment, and his co-accused all pleaded not guilty.
But in the Balkan nation, the trial has sparked protests, political backlash, and public anger.
For many in Kosovo, the trial represents the prosecution of the KLA itself, and with it the country’s independence movement, says international relations specialist Donika Emini.
“For decades, the KLA and its members have been glorified for their role in the war, while the court has challenged this dominant narrative,” said Emini, a researcher at the University of Graz Center for Southeast European Studies.

-’Unprecedented injustice’-

The Kosovo Specialist Chambers was set up by the country’s parliament. It investigates and prosecutes suspected war crimes committed by ethnic Albanian guerrillas during the war.
Critics of the trial object to the fact that Serbia, which has never recognized Kosovo’s independence, has provided some of the evidence used at the trial. This, they argue, indicates bias in the proceedings.
The scale of atrocities committed by Serbian police and military during the war makes their involvement particularly sensitive. Thousands of ethnic Albanian victims were discovered in mass graves after the end of the war.
But the indictment against Thaci and the other defendants alleges that KLA members also committed crimes against hundreds of civilians and non-combatants at detention sites in Kosovo and northern Albania.
The victims, it says, included Serbs, Roma and Kosovo Albanians deemed political opponents.
Although the court is part of Kosovo’s judicial system, it is nevertheless based in The Hague and staffed solely by international judges in a bid to protect witnesses from possible retribution at home.
But its foreign location has fueled resentment back in Kosovo. It was hard to find anyone on the streets of the capital who supported the trial.
“This is an unprecedented injustice,” Agim Zuka, 63, told AFP in Pristina.
“There is no reason to try them. They have only fought the just war of the Albanian people of Kosovo,” 61-year-old Bahtije Rashica said.

- Protest march -

A march in support of the defendants has been organized to mark the country’s independence day — which also happens to come just before the final day of closing arguments in the trial.
Thaci’s own party organized the protest, which is expected to draw large crowds after weeks of nationwide campaigning against the trial.
Giant photos of Thaci and co-accused Kadri Veseli have also been placed in prominent squares in several towns and cities.
“This campaign has fueled resistance to the court and has been quite effective in articulating criticism for the lack of transparency and perceived inconsistencies in its work,” said the academic Emini.
But the case against the four has taken decades to build and contains extensive details of brutal crimes allegedly committed by members of the KLA between 1998 and 1999.
The prosecutors argue that, as senior figures in the armed militia, they ran a “joint criminal enterprise” that murdered, tortured, persecuted and illegally detained people at dozens of sites in Kosovo and Albania.

-’No common narrative’-

The court’s attempts at outreach have faced a backlash inside the country.
In May, a planned press briefing from its president had to be scrapped after smoke bombs were set off in front of her hotel, while school lectures from court officials drew outrage from politicians and some media outlets.
“Each decision of the Special Court not only affects individuals, but is closely linked to the history of the state and the identity of Kosovo,” said Emini.
Any outcome, particularly a guilty verdict, would change international perceptions of a “sensitive period” that had “no common narrative in the Balkans or in Kosovo,” she added.
“It will undoubtedly have symbolic consequences and will change the narrative and the way history will see Kosovo.”