LONDON: Militias of deposed Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh and the Houthi group in Yemen are using dead child soldiers for propaganda targeted against the Saudi-led Arab coalition, a senior diplomat said on Wednesday.
Mohammed Al-Jaber, Saudi Arabia’s ambassador to Yemen, said that the number of child soldiers recruited by the Houthis is on the rise.
When these children are killed, the militia uses their deaths for political purposes, he said.
“The Houthis — when these kids are killed on the battlefield — they took these kids, and bring them to the UN organization and say, ‘oh, the coalition attacked the kids,’ ” Al-Jaber told Arab News.
“They use it for their propaganda.”
Houthi militias have for a long time been known to use child soldiers in Yemen. Amnesty International said in February that new evidence had emerged that the Houthis are actively recruiting boys as young as 15 to fight on the front lines of the conflict in violation of international law.
Al-Jaber said that figures from organizations such as UNICEF indicate that the problem is getting worse.
“The UNICEF representative told us that the Houthis recruit a lot of kids. And this number has increased from month to month, from year to year. And they fight on each front,” he said.
Al-Jaber said a political solution is still sought in Yemen, and said the Saudi side has communication channels with all the relevant groups.
“We are in contact with all Yemeni parties, including the Houthis and Saleh, to convince them to go to the table and discuss all their issues,” he said.
There had been hopes of a cease-fire in Yemen during Ramadan, but Al-Jaber said he had received no communication of this.
“It’s a Yemeni issue. It’s also between Houthi-Saleh groups, militia, and Yemeni government. (If) they decide to go to the cease-fire, the legitimate Yemeni government will ask the coalition to cease fire,” he said.
The ambassador was talking on the sidelines of a workshop in London entitled “The Way Forward for Yemen: Saudi Perspectives.”
Nadia Al-Saqqaf, the former minister of information in Yemen, was another of the speakers. She was in her ministerial position when the Houthis launched their coup in Yemen, after which she said the militia “literally stormed my office.”
Al-Saqqaf, now a researcher in the UK, said that there had been a crackdown on freedom of expression and that there was a “culture of fear” in some areas of Yemen.
“So many Yemenis are now resorting to social media, WhatsApp for example. And it has saved lives. But at the same time… it has become a tool of threatening,” she said.
“Freedom of expression, or even activism… are all extremely threatened, especially in the north, where the Houthis are raiding the institutions.”
She described WhatsApp messages from Houthis that she said had requested people to send information on others accused of perceived misdeeds, asking for their name, address, Facebook and Twitter identities.
“Houthis and the Saleh regime are targeting activists, and there are so many people in jail now, tortured,” she said.
Al-Saqqaf said that Yemen’s problems must be solved from within.
“It’s actually a Yemeni problem, and we have to deal with it (in) a Yemeni way,” she said. “The solution for Yemen is bottom-up — there’s no superman who’s going to come and solve the country, and help everybody.”
Peter Salisbury, senior research fellow for the Middle East and North Africa Program at Chatham House — one of the organizers of the workshop — said the Yemen crisis was not easily solved.
“There isn’t one simple answer,” he said. “It’s a deeply deeply complex conflict, and that requires a complex solution.”
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Houthis ‘using dead child soldiers for propaganda’ in Yemen: Saudi envoy
Houthis ‘using dead child soldiers for propaganda’ in Yemen: Saudi envoy
Turkish border region feels economic fallout from Iran
- Turkiye shares a 550-kilometer border with Iran, 300km of which flank Van province
- The city of Van has traditionally offered escape and relaxation for Iranian tourists
VAN, Turkiye: As vice president of the chamber of commerce in the eastern Turkish city of Van, Fevzi Celiktas’s job is to boost the local economy. But he has one major problem: his neighbors.
“We have some of the most feared countries in the world right on our doorstep: Iraq, Syria, and Iran,” he said.
“This greatly complicates our development.”
Celiktas is not indifferent to the fate of Iranians who cross to the Turkish side of the border after the ruthless repression of protests in January.
But the collapse of their economy and currency, which sparked the popular uprising, is being felt acutely in the province.
Turkiye shares a 550-kilometer border with Iran, 300km of which flank Van province, with the main pedestrian border crossing of Kapikoy just a 90-minute drive from the provincial capital, also called Van.
The latest crisis is another blow to the struggling economy in this region of 1.1 million people which lies at the eastern end of Anatolia.
Perched on the eastern shores of Lake Van and surrounded by snow-capped mountains, the city of Van has traditionally offered escape and relaxation for Iranian tourists.
Visitors come to shop, enjoy the local bars or take out boats on Turkiye’s largest lake, which is also the second-largest in the Middle East.
“Iranian tourists are our main clientele,” said Emre Deger, head of Van’s tourism professionals association, whose own hotel has seen occupancy rates decline year after year.
Even though winter is the low season, a third of its rooms are usually occupied, he explained.
“But currently, all the hotels are empty or at 10 percent of capacity at best,” he added.
‘For the Internet’
For eight to 10 days after the crackdown on Iranian protesters when there was an Internet blackout, the flow of visitors “completely dried up,” Deger said.
“Those who came were just here for the Internet,” he added.
Every morning when the Kapikoy crossing opens, a few dozen travelers arrive in the cold, wearily boarding buses or taxis headed for Van.
Apart from a handful of students and the odd few with long-term plans outside of Iran, not many are prepared to speak, quickly scurrying off to discreet hotels where they keep to themselves.
“Most even hesitate to go out to get food,” said Deger, who is waiting for March 21 when Iranians mark Nowruz, Persian New Year, to see if the tourists will return.
One Iranian woman in her 30s from the northwestern city of Tabriz said she understood the decline in visitors.
“There’s no middle class left in Iran. We’re all at the bottom, the very bottom,” she said, without giving her name.
“Everyone is poor.”
Back in Iran, she used to work in insurance, but now has a job at an elegant café in downtown Van.
“In the whole of January, I saw maybe two Iranians here,” she said.
‘Our money is worthless’
“Two years ago, when you came to Turkiye with 5 or 10 million rials ($4-$8), you were fine. Now you need at least 40 or 50 million rials. Hotels, food, everything has become more expensive for us.
“Our money is worthless now.”
The monthly salary she earned in Iran would barely last three days in Van today, she added.
“Our customers used to fill entire suitcases with clothes (to take home). But it’s very quiet now,” said Emre Teker in his clothing store.
Celiktas also blamed US and European sanctions for crippling Iran’s economy — and Van’s.
“The Van bypass still isn’t finished after 18 years of construction,” he said. “It’s become a joke, sometimes written on the back of trucks: ‘May our love be like the Van bypass and never end’.”
If a country faces trade restrictions for decades, it inevitably has consequences, he said.
“In a neighborhood, if your neighbor bothers you, you can move. But you can’t do that with countries: you can’t replace Iran with Germany, Italy, France, or Russia,” he said.
“So you have to reach some sort of agreement.”
“We have some of the most feared countries in the world right on our doorstep: Iraq, Syria, and Iran,” he said.
“This greatly complicates our development.”
Celiktas is not indifferent to the fate of Iranians who cross to the Turkish side of the border after the ruthless repression of protests in January.
But the collapse of their economy and currency, which sparked the popular uprising, is being felt acutely in the province.
Turkiye shares a 550-kilometer border with Iran, 300km of which flank Van province, with the main pedestrian border crossing of Kapikoy just a 90-minute drive from the provincial capital, also called Van.
The latest crisis is another blow to the struggling economy in this region of 1.1 million people which lies at the eastern end of Anatolia.
Perched on the eastern shores of Lake Van and surrounded by snow-capped mountains, the city of Van has traditionally offered escape and relaxation for Iranian tourists.
Visitors come to shop, enjoy the local bars or take out boats on Turkiye’s largest lake, which is also the second-largest in the Middle East.
“Iranian tourists are our main clientele,” said Emre Deger, head of Van’s tourism professionals association, whose own hotel has seen occupancy rates decline year after year.
Even though winter is the low season, a third of its rooms are usually occupied, he explained.
“But currently, all the hotels are empty or at 10 percent of capacity at best,” he added.
‘For the Internet’
For eight to 10 days after the crackdown on Iranian protesters when there was an Internet blackout, the flow of visitors “completely dried up,” Deger said.
“Those who came were just here for the Internet,” he added.
Every morning when the Kapikoy crossing opens, a few dozen travelers arrive in the cold, wearily boarding buses or taxis headed for Van.
Apart from a handful of students and the odd few with long-term plans outside of Iran, not many are prepared to speak, quickly scurrying off to discreet hotels where they keep to themselves.
“Most even hesitate to go out to get food,” said Deger, who is waiting for March 21 when Iranians mark Nowruz, Persian New Year, to see if the tourists will return.
One Iranian woman in her 30s from the northwestern city of Tabriz said she understood the decline in visitors.
“There’s no middle class left in Iran. We’re all at the bottom, the very bottom,” she said, without giving her name.
“Everyone is poor.”
Back in Iran, she used to work in insurance, but now has a job at an elegant café in downtown Van.
“In the whole of January, I saw maybe two Iranians here,” she said.
‘Our money is worthless’
“Two years ago, when you came to Turkiye with 5 or 10 million rials ($4-$8), you were fine. Now you need at least 40 or 50 million rials. Hotels, food, everything has become more expensive for us.
“Our money is worthless now.”
The monthly salary she earned in Iran would barely last three days in Van today, she added.
“Our customers used to fill entire suitcases with clothes (to take home). But it’s very quiet now,” said Emre Teker in his clothing store.
Celiktas also blamed US and European sanctions for crippling Iran’s economy — and Van’s.
“The Van bypass still isn’t finished after 18 years of construction,” he said. “It’s become a joke, sometimes written on the back of trucks: ‘May our love be like the Van bypass and never end’.”
If a country faces trade restrictions for decades, it inevitably has consequences, he said.
“In a neighborhood, if your neighbor bothers you, you can move. But you can’t do that with countries: you can’t replace Iran with Germany, Italy, France, or Russia,” he said.
“So you have to reach some sort of agreement.”
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