Why food security in the Middle East is slipping even as global numbers improve

Palestinians queue for a hot meal at a charity kitchen run by the United Nation's World Food Programme (WFP) at the Nuseirat refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip on April 26, 2025.
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Updated 17 August 2025
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Why food security in the Middle East is slipping even as global numbers improve

  • Conflict, inflation, currency crises, and heavy import reliance are driving the Middle East’s divergence from global food security improvements
  • Even when global food prices ease, Middle Eastern households often see little relief due to supply chain and currency shocks, says UN report

DUBAI: Global hunger edged down last year, but not in the Middle East. That divergence — driven by conflict, inflation, currency stress, and a heavy reliance on imports — is reshaping food security across Western Asia and North Africa, even as other regions recover.

According to “The State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World” report published recently by five UN agencies, 8.2 percent of the global population experienced hunger in 2024, down from 8.5 percent in 2023.

But the headline hides widening regional gaps. In Africa, more than 20 percent of people — 307 million — faced hunger in 2024. In Western Asia, which includes several Middle Eastern countries, 12.7 percent of the population, or more than 39 million people, were affected.




Infographic from the UN's "The State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World" report

The contrast with other parts of Asia is striking. “Improvements in South-Eastern and Southern Asia were largely driven by economic recovery, better affordability of healthy diets, and stronger social protection systems,” David Laborde, director of the Agrifood Economics Division at the UN’s Food and Agriculture Organization, told Arab News.

That rebound has not reached the Middle East evenly. He noted that while “high income countries” like the UAE or Saudi Arabia are exempt from any major food insecurities, “the rest of the region and particularly conflict-affected countries (like Lebanon and Syria) are contributors to the rising hunger trend due to displacement, disrupted supply chains, and economic vulnerability.”

Nowhere is the food crisis more acute than Gaza, where war has devastated basic systems. A recent assessment by FAO and the UN Satellite Centre found that only 1.5 percent of cropland is currently available for cultivation, down from 4.6 percent in April 2025.




Palestinians rush to queue in line at a charity kitchen in the Mawasi area of Khan Yunis in the southern Gaza Strip on July 22, 2025. (AFP)

Put differently, 98.5 percent of cropland is damaged, inaccessible, or both — a staggering figure in a territory of more than 2 million people.

The data, published in July, landed amid warnings from UN agencies of an impending famine. The Integrated Food Security Phase Classification reported that two of the three official indicators used to determine famine conditions were present in parts of the strip.

FAO, the World Food Programme, and UNICEF have cautioned that time is rapidly running out to mount a full-scale response, as nearly a quarter of Gaza’s population is enduring famine-like conditions, while the remainder face emergency levels of hunger.




Palestinian agricultural engineer Yusef Abu Rabie, 24, tends to his plants on July 18, 2024, at a makeshift nursery he built next to the rubble of his home in Beit Lahia in northern Gaza, that was destroyed during Israeli bombardment, amid the ongoing conflict between Israel and the Palestinian militant group Hamas. (AFP)

The report does not break down the impact of individual conflicts, but Laborde is blunt about the drivers. Conditions are getting worse because of “persistent structural vulnerabilities, which include conflict, economic instability, and limited access to affordable food.”

He added: “This region has seen a continued rise in hunger, with the prevalence of undernourishment increasing to 12.7 in 2024, up from previous years.”

Those structural weaknesses — exposure to war, import dependence, currency fragility — collided with a series of global shocks. The report cites the COVID‑19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine as major triggers of global food commodity price spikes in 2021-22.




A destroyed Russian tank sits in a snow covered wheat field in Kharkiv region on February 22, 2023, amid Russia's military invasion on Ukraine. (AFP/File)

Some pressures have eased, but inflation’s aftershocks persist, especially where budgets and safety nets are already thin.

According to Laborde, the countries struggling most are those where “real wages have declined the most, food price inflation has surged, and access to healthy diets have deteriorated.”

He added: “Low-income and lower-middle-income countries, many of which are in the MENA region, have experienced food price inflation above 10 percent, which is strongly associated with rising food insecurity and child malnutrition.”




Palestinians, mostly children, push to receive a hot meal at a charity kitchen in the Mawasi area of Khan Yunis in the southern Gaza Strip on July 22, 2025. (AFP)

For Middle Eastern economies that import a large share of their food, price spikes hit with particular force. Beyond war and pandemic disruptions, Laborde points to “climate shocks in key bread baskets have led to higher food prices.

“For countries that were able to compensate for this food price increase through higher revenue from energy product sales, also impacted by the same crisis, the blow was limited.

“However, for the countries with more limited revenue” from exports of oil and natural gas, “the situation was more difficult to handle.”

IN NUMBERS

39 million People in Western Asia who experienced hunger in 2024, according to FAO.

98.5% Cropland in Gaza that has been damaged or rendered inaccessible by war.

If the region’s import bill is the first vulnerability, exchange rates are the second. The report highlights exchange-rate fluctuations and local currency depreciation as critical, non‑commodity drivers of food inflation.

This is especially relevant for “import-dependent economies (such as Western Asia) where a weaker local currency increases the cost of imported food and agricultural inputs,” said Laborde.

“When local currencies depreciate, the cost of these imports rises, directly affecting consumer prices and worsening food insecurity.”




Egyptian farmers harvest wheat in Bamha village near al-Ayyat town in Giza province. (AFP)

Egypt offers a case study. Heavy reliance on wheat imports from Russia and Ukraine, combined with a severe foreign currency shortage, has driven food prices far beyond wage growth since mid‑2022.

In practical terms, “a shortage of foreign currency has made it more difficult to pay for imports, leading to higher import costs in local currency terms, rising consumer food prices, and reduced affordability of healthy diets for households,” Laborde said.

The result: Egyptians’ food purchasing power fell by 30 percent between the third quarter of 2022 and the last quarter of 2024.




Water levels at Iraq's vast Dukan Dam reservoir have plummeted as a result of dwindling rains and further damming upstream, hitting millions of inhabitants -- already impacted by drought -- with stricter water rationing. (AFP)

Similar pressures are visible elsewhere. Syria, Yemen, and Iraq have recorded significant declines in real food wages since 2020, with unskilled wages still below early‑2020 levels — a reflection of persistent instability and the difficulty of rebuilding labor markets amid conflict.

Even when global prices cool, the Middle East does not always feel the relief. The region’s supply chains remain vulnerable to disrupted trade routes, heightened uncertainty in grain markets linked to the war in Ukraine, and hostilities in the Red Sea.

For countries like Egypt, these pressures feed directly into the food import bill, particularly for wheat — a staple with no easy substitute.

In an import‑dependent context, each additional week of shipping delays, insurance surcharges, or currency slippage translates into higher prices for bread, cooking oil, and other essentials.




An Egyptian woman bake bread in a traditional clay oven in the Giza governorate's village of Abu Sir, some 25Km south of Cairo on February 12, 2025. (AFP)

The report also flags a quieter, but consequential, problem: market power. In theory, competitive markets transmit falling global prices quickly to consumers. In practice, market power — the ability of firms to influence prices or supply — can mute or delay those benefits.

Since 2022, many low- and lower‑middle‑income countries have experienced persistent inflation even as world prices cooled, suggesting domestic frictions at play.

These “distortions have been observed since 2022” and are “especially relevant in import-dependent regions like Western Asia and North Africa, where currency depreciation, limited competition, and supply chain bottlenecks can further entrench inflation,” Laborde said.




Syrian firefighters use water cannon to extinguish a fire in a wheat field outside Qamishli in northeastern Syria, on June 2, 2025. The crop destruction has worsened the struggling nation's food supply shortage. (AFP)

Beyond statistics, the social toll is mounting. Rising food prices hit the poorest households first, forcing trade‑offs between calories and quality — cheaper, less nutritious staples displacing diverse diets rich in protein and micronutrients.

That is why sustained double‑digit food inflation correlates with child malnutrition and worsens long‑term health outcomes, from anemia to stunting.

The consequences can also be gendered. In many Middle Eastern and North African contexts, women — who often manage household food budgets — absorb inflation by skipping meals or cutting their own portions to feed children.




Infographic from the UN's "The State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World" report

When real wages drop and informal work dries up, coping strategies erode quickly.

All of this threatens the UN’s 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, especially its aims to end hunger, achieve food security and improve nutrition, and promote sustainable agriculture.

With the deadline fast approaching, Laborde urges governments to “stabilize food prices and protect vulnerable populations” by prioritizing “integrated fiscal and trade policy reforms,” delivered through “time-bound, targeted fiscal measures.”

These include “temporary tax relief on essential foods, scaled-up social protection (e.g. cash transfers) indexed to inflation and ensuring benefits reach consumers through transparent monitoring.”
 

 


MPs, parties welcome Lebanon’s decision to ban Hezbollah’s military wing

Updated 43 min 43 sec ago
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MPs, parties welcome Lebanon’s decision to ban Hezbollah’s military wing

  • Lebanese judiciary issues arrest warrants to pursue those who fired rockets at Haifa
  • Bilal Al-Houshaymi: It (Lebanon) is either a fully sovereign state with a single decision-making authority, or it will continue its downward slide into greater danger and collapse

BEIRUT: Lebanon’s Cabinet decisions were described by political parties and parliamentarians as the boldest measures taken against Hezbollah to date, with ministers from the Amal Movement, the group’s key ally, joining in a show of government solidarity.

In an unprecedented move, Lebanon’s Cabinet on Monday declared Hezbollah’s military activities illegal and demanded the immediate handover of its weapons, following Israeli strikes that killed more than 40 people and wounded dozens across Beirut’s southern suburbs, southern Lebanon and the Bekaa Valley.

The Israeli strikes came after rockets and drones were fired from Lebanese territory toward northern Israel — an assault Hezbollah said was carried out in retaliation for the killing of Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Among those killed were several Hezbollah officials.

Independent MP Ibrahim Mneimneh affirmed his support for the government’s decisions “at this sensitive stage” as he said they consolidate the sovereignty of the state and the confinement of security and military decision-making to its legitimate institutions.

“The protection of Lebanon requires the firm application of the law, without making any exceptions, and providing support for the army and security forces in carrying out their duties in order to safeguard stability and civil peace,” he added.

Beqaa MP Bilal Al-Houshaymi said Lebanon cannot withstand new experiments or further adventures. “It is either a fully sovereign state with a single decision-making authority, or it will continue its downward slide into greater danger and collapse.”

Lebanese Forces party leader Samir Geagea said in a statement that the cabinet had taken an additional step toward the establishment of a functioning state.

“The ball is now in the court of the Lebanese Armed Forces, the Internal Security Forces, General Security, State Security and the competent judicial authorities. It is their chance to begin implementing the government’s decision seriously and decisively as of this moment,” he added.

The party’s two ministers remained alone in their defense of what they called the “resistance.” This stance was articulated by Health Minister Rakan Nassereddine, whom Hezbollah named to represent it in the government, as he said after the session that “no one holds their resistance accountable as we have held ours accountable.” He questioned whether “the Israelis can be trusted.”

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun held those who launched the rockets responsible for their actions, noting that the Lebanese people should not bear responsibility “for a reckless operation.”

Aoun said Hezbollah’s morning strike was “not a defense of Lebanon nor a protection of the Lebanese; it is not acceptable in any way whatsoever, and it gives Israel a pretext to destroy what is left.”

The cabinet asked the Lebanese Army Command to immediately and firmly begin implementing the plan to restrict weapons north of the Litani River, announcing that Lebanon is ready to resume negotiations with Israel.

The cabinet decisions, read out by Prime Minister Nawaf Salam in an address, announced that the government had formally rejected any military or security operations carried out from Lebanese territory outside the authority of the state, reaffirming that the decision of war and peace rests solely with the government.

The measures include an immediate ban on all Hezbollah military and security activities deemed unlawful, a requirement that the group hand over its weapons to the state, and a restriction of its role to political activity within constitutional and legal frameworks — a step aimed at ensuring the monopoly of arms remains exclusively with the state and reinforcing full sovereignty over Lebanese territory.

Salam said that the government does not seek confrontation with Hezbollah. “But we cannot in any way accept the launching of rockets from Lebanon nor the threat of civil war.”

In parallel with the political move, the Lebanese judiciary moved to pursue those who fired rockets at Haifa from Lebanese territory. The military judiciary issued warrants to arrest all those responsible for launching rockets at the Israeli city.

Government Commissioner to the Military Court Claude Ghanem requested that the security agencies identify those who took part in directing the rockets, arrest them immediately and refer them to the military public prosecution.

A judicial source confirmed that the security agencies verified that the rocket-launching operation took place from an area of valleys and forests located north of the Litani River.

A statement bearing the signature of Hezbollah’s Military Media had been issued at dawn claiming responsibility for the operation of bombarding the Mishmar site south of the city of Haifa with a salvo of rockets and drones, as “revenge for the blood of the Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.”

While Hezbollah has not issued any official statement tallying its human losses as a result of direct Israeli strikes, Lebanese and Israeli field reports cited the assassination of Mohammad Raad, head of Hezbollah’s parliamentary bloc, who in recent months had coordinated between the state and the party on the issue of restricting weapons; Sheikh Ali Daamoush, the head of Hezbollah’s Executive Council; and Hussein Moukalled, the head of Hezbollah’s intelligence services in the southern suburb.

The reports also mentioned the killing of Mohammad Rida Fadlallah, brother of the late scholar Sayyed Mohammad Hussein Fadlallah, along with his wife; and Sheikh Abdullah Shaito, a Ja‘fari Sharia judge, with his son and daughter.

Amid the strikes, citizens evacuated Beirut’s southern suburb, more than 53 southern villages and dozens of villages in the Beqaa region.

Many fled at night, remaining in their cars or along the roadsides in Beirut, amid successive warnings issued by the Israeli army urging civilians to leave their villages and homes ahead of strikes on Hezbollah targets, according to its claims.

As hotels reached full capacity, many turned to furnished apartments. Although the state opened a number of public schools to shelter the displaced, the hastily opened and prepared facilities were insufficient to accommodate tens of thousands of people.

Meanwhile, a military source suggested that the evacuation of the villages could be a prelude to a ground invasion.

Israel announced the mobilization of about 100,000 reservists along the border with Lebanon in preparation for expanding the war. Israeli army spokesperson Avichay Adraee posted on social media that “all options are on the table,” adding that “Hezbollah chose to launch this campaign, and will pay a heavy price for it.”

Israeli Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir warned of “many days of fighting ahead,” while Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz said that “Hezbollah chief Naim Qassem is now a ‘target for elimination,’ and Hezbollah will pay a heavy price for launching missiles toward Israel.”