Can Iraq’s Development Road project become its gateway to prosperity?

The Development Road scheme envisions a 1,200-kilometer network of roads, railways and energy links from Iraq to Turkiye. The KRG authorities have accused Baghdad of deliberately bypassing the territory and excluding Kurdish areas. (Getty Images)
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Updated 05 May 2025
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Can Iraq’s Development Road project become its gateway to prosperity?

  • Once a hub of global trade, Iraq aims to reclaim role with a $20 billion project connecting the Gulf to Europe by road, rail, and pipeline
  • Experts say ambitious infrastructure project could prove transformative if it can overcome the political, logistical and financial hurdles

LONDON: Under the Abbasid Caliphate, some 1,200 years ago, Baghdad sat at a crossroads between continents, a global confluence of commerce, culture and learning, becoming one of the most important cities on the Silk Road — the vast trade network that linked Asia to Europe.

It is that same strategic positioning that the modern-day government of Iraq hopes to recreate through a mega-project that could transform the nation’s fortunes after decades of war, sanctions and underdevelopment, and in the process reshape international trade.

The Development Road scheme aims to connect the Arabian Gulf to the Mediterranean with a 1,200 km network of roads, railways and energy links from across Iraq to neighboring Turkiye.

The project is expected to cost up to $20 billion and will be constructed in partnership with Turkiye and with backing from Qatar as well as the UAE.




Turkey's Transport Minister Abdulkadir Uraloglu, UAE's Energy Minister Suhail Mohamed al-Mazrouei, Turkey's President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Iraq's Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, Qatar's Minister of Transport Jassim bin Saif bin Ahmed al-Sulaiti, and Iraq's Transport Minister Razzaq Muhaibas Al-Saadawi applaud together during their meeting for the signing of the "Development Road" framework agreement on security, economy, and development in Baghdad on April 22, 2024.

If successful, it could carve out a new future for Iraq, diversifying its economy and raising substantial revenues. It would help export the country’s plentiful energy resources, while also consolidating relations with Turkiye and the Gulf states.

But the project faces several challenges, both within Iraq and the wider region. Corruption, interstate rivalries, political instability and conflict could derail the scheme, as could competition from other trade corridors in the region.

Failure would raise uncomfortable questions about whether Iraq can ever move beyond its chaotic past to build the kind of country its people desperately seek.

“The Development Road project is one of the most important infrastructure projects initiated in Iraq since the formation of the modern Iraqi state in the 1920s,” Mohammed Hussein, a member of the Iraqi Economists Network, told Arab News.




Volunteers of the "army of Al-Quds (Jerusalem)", with pictures of their president Saddam Hussein on their chests during a military parade in the northern Iraqi city of Mosul on February 4, 2003. (AFP)

The idea for a new trade corridor through Iraq has been around for decades. In the 1980s, the concept was branded the “dry canal” — tipped as an alternative to the Suez in Egypt. But wars and sanctions on Saddam Hussein’s regime prevented any progress.

In response to public outrage over Iraq’s continued economic malaise — especially given the size of its oil reserves — the concept has since re-emerged as part of a broader development agenda, helped along by a period of relative stability and improving relations with Turkiye.

The Development Road was launched in 2023 after a meeting between Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia’ Al-Sudani and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.




Iraq's Prime Minister Mohammed Shia Al-Sudani (C-R) and Turkey's President Recep Tayyip Erdogan (C-L) attend the signing of the "Development Road" framework agreement on security, economy, and development in Baghdad on April 22, 2024. (AFP)

Central to the plan is the Grand Faw Port now under construction on Iraq’s slither of shallow coastline at the head of the Arabian Gulf. When completed, Iraqi officials say the port will have 100 berths, surpassing Jebel Ali in Dubai as the Middle East’s largest container port.

Grand Faw will connect to a network of highways and railways running through major Iraqi cities including Basra, Karbala, Baghdad and Mosul, all the way to the Turkish border at Faysh Khabur.

From there, they will connect to Turkiye’s networks, linking up with its major Mediterranean ports and its land border with Europe. Oil and gas pipelines are also planned to follow the route, linking Basra’s oil fields to Turkiye’s Ceyhan energy hub.




An Iraqi sails in the Shatt al-Arab river across from the Nahr Bin Omar oilfield in Iraq's southern province of Basra on July 18, 2022. (AFP)

The scheme, which will be built in three stages up to 2050, would see industrial areas constructed along its route. However, much of the project still remains in the planning phase.

In April last year, Turkiye, Iraq, the UAE and Qatar signed a joint cooperation agreement on the project during a long-awaited visit by Erdogan to Baghdad.

“The project aims to create a sustainable economy bridging east and west,” Al-Sudani’s office said, adding that it would “establish a new competitive transport route, and bolster regional economic prosperity.”




Iraq's Prime Minister Mohammed Shia Al-Sudani. (AFP)

A planned visit by the Iraqi prime minister to Turkiye on May 8 is expected to advance the plan further.

If successful, the project would bring numerous benefits to Iraq, diversifying its economy away from oil and gas and creating hundreds of thousands of jobs. According to Hussein of the Iraqi Economists Network, the project could generate $4 billion per year in customs revenues.

“The Development Road is likely to enhance Iraq’s role in global trade and directly revitalize its non-oil economic sectors such as trade, transportation and tourism,” he said.

IN NUMBERS:

99% Oil’s share of Iraq’s exports over the past decade.

$20 billion Estimated cost of Development Road project.

(Sources: World Bank & media)

There would also be a major boost to Iraq’s strategic positioning, strengthening economic and security relations with Turkiye, the Gulf states and Europe.

“From a global perspective, the Development Road is extremely important for Iraq, as it positions the country as a land bridge between Asia and Europe,” said Hussein.

“It aims to serve as a new route for global trade from the Arab Gulf to Europe, transforming Iraq into a transit hub similar to the Suez Canal.”




Iraq's planned Development Road is envisioned to position the country as a land bridge between Asia and Europe. (Map Courtesy of Google)

Renad Mansour, a senior Iraq research fellow at Chatham House, believes the project represents a clear statement of Iraq’s ambition to put decades of chaos behind it and become a more influential power in the region.

The government sees the project “as an opportunity for Iraq, after years of conflict and dependencies, to start to regain some traction in the region by becoming an important central hub,” he told Arab News.

Iraq’s geographic position would become a “potential point of leverage” that could rebuild its regional position, he added.




Street vendors push their cart selling sweets across Al-Senak bridge over the Tigris river in central Baghdad during a dust storm on April 10, 2025. (AFP)

The Development Road also offers substantial benefits to Turkiye.

Ankara “views this project as a strategic opportunity to boost its regional role, enhance its trade ties with regional actors and solidify the economic connectivity in the region,” Sinem Cengiz, a Turkish political analyst, told Arab News.

It also marks a sea change in Turkiye-Iraq relations, which have long been dominated by border security, Turkiye’s conflict with Kurdish militants and control of water resources.

“From the Turkish side, it is an opportunity to transform its relations with Iraq from a security-oriented perspective to an economically integrated relationship,” said Cengiz.




If successful, Development Road project could diversify Iraq’s economy, increase energy exports and strengthen ties with regional powers. (AFP file)

“This project provides a framework for long-term mutual dependency and a rare chance for Turkiye and Iraq to compartmentalize, and institutionalize their relations.”

There are, however, an array of challenges and potential obstacles that could delay or scuttle the project altogether.

The biggest risks come from within Iraq itself. Since the 2003 US-led invasion, Iraq has experienced a devastating civil war, a savage conflict with Daesh extremists and the emergence of powerful Iran-backed militias.




An image uploaded on June 14, 2014 on the jihadist website Welayat Salahuddin Daesh (ISIS) militants leading dozens of captured Iraqi security forces members to an unknown location in the Salaheddin province ahead of executing them. (AFP)

“The Iraqi state remains fragmented and corruption is still a big challenge,” said Mansour. “There’s all sorts of challenges, political and security-wise, that would need to be addressed to ensure the sustainability of such a grand vision.”

The country still ranks poorly on Transparency International’s corruption perceptions index, although there has been gradual improvement since 2015. This, along with other bureaucratic obstacles, means ensuring efficient project management is a significant concern.

“Iraq’s reputation for corruption, weak law enforcement, bureaucratic inefficiency, and an underdeveloped business environment will certainly increase the project’s cost and duration,” said Hussein.

The nature of the project means it will have to be built through many regions of the country, each with its own ethnic, religious and political mix.

“The road will go through several different territories where the central government doesn’t have as much authority and you have different armed groups and different sides who would need to be part of this process or could turn into spoilers,” said Mansour.

The route avoids most of Iraq’s semi-autonomous Kurdistan region in the north, apart from the last 20 km where it reaches the border with Turkiye, potentially creating new rifts with the country’s large Kurdish minority.




A view shows Iraq's northeastern city of Sulaymaniyah in the autonomous Kurdistan region at sunset. (AFP)

The Kurdistan Regional Government has accused the federal government of deliberately bypassing the territory and excluding Kurdish areas that would otherwise have benefited from the scheme, said Hussein.

“The project has raised concerns among KRG leaders, who are demanding it be designed to pass through at least two of the KRG provinces, Irbil and Duhok,” he said.

The federal government, however, denies the KRG’s claim, insisting the current route is based on cost-efficiency.

There are also major external challenges to the project.

Grand Faw Port is located just a few kilometers from Kuwait’s long-proposed Mubarak Al-Kabeer Port, which is also under construction. The projects have exacerbated a long-running dispute over the maritime border between the two states and raised tensions over competition between the two ports.




Iraq's Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani gives a speech during the ceremony of the beginning of the handover of the Grand Faw Port's five berths from the implementing Korean company, in the southern Basra province, on November 7, 2024, as the project approaches full completion. (AFP)

“To prevent tensions and avoid creating a sense of insecurity, Kuwait must be somehow integrated into the process,” said Cengiz. “This would make the project more regionalized and help build a more stable environment for cooperation.”

Iran, which has huge influence in Iraq, particularly through the militias it funds, is also watching the scheme warily. Some argue the corridor could benefit Iran, but could also pose significant competition to its Gulf ports and plans for its own trade route linking Asia to Europe.

Then there is the rivalry with existing trade routes, most notably the Suez Canal, which is vital to Egypt’s economy. Attacks on shipping in the Red Sea by Yemen’s Houthis have dramatically reduced shipping through the waterway, increasing the cost of transporting goods from Asia to Europe.

Iraqi officials claim the Development Road will offer a much faster route from Asia to Europe than the Suez, even without the current shipping disruption.

Another major corridor through the Middle East is also being developed between India, the Gulf states, and Europe, and was set to include Israel and Jordan. Known as the “India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor,” or IMEC, the project has won the backing of the US. However, the war in Gaza has presented challenges.




Map of the planned IMEC connection. (Wikimedia Commons: ecfr.eu)

IMEC was viewed by some as a response to China’s Belt and Road Initiative — the vast set of infrastructure projects launched in 2013 to create land and maritime networks between Asia and Europe.

China has not yet committed to providing financial backing to the Development Road but has hinted that the project could be integrated into its BRI, raising a possible point of contention with the US.

Despite these many challenges, there is widespread support within Iraq for the project. If successful, the Development Road could become a beacon of hope for a nation emerging from a long night.
 

 


Why Gaza aid curbs are deepening children’s health crisis despite ceasefire

Updated 04 December 2025
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Why Gaza aid curbs are deepening children’s health crisis despite ceasefire

  • Humanitarian aid deliveries are still restricted, leaving thousands of children without sufficient food, medicine, and basic shelter
  • International agencies warn that without urgent, unrestricted aid, child mortality and long-term health crises will escalate sharply

DUBAI: Two months into Gaza’s fragile ceasefire, children in the besieged enclave continue to bear the brunt of a deepening humanitarian crisis, with aid agencies warning that Israel’s continued restrictions on relief supplies are exposing the population to malnutrition and disease. 

Despite the Oct. 10 ceasefire, humanitarian groups say convoys carrying much-needed aid remain stuck at border crossings. Meanwhile, thousands of families displaced by two years of war are now enduring heavy rains in overcrowded shelters, heightening the risk of disease. 

For displaced children, limited access to medical care and vaccinations could have long-term, irreversible consequences. Without timely medical intervention and proper nutrition, healthcare workers warn that children are far more vulnerable to illness and death. 

Caption

The UK-based charity Medical Aid for Palestinians has reported a rise in cases of child malnutrition, with medical facilities facing “critical shortages” of supplies needed to treat postwar health complications. 

“While the number of severely malnourished patients has decreased compared with the peak of the famine, cases are still regularly presenting to hospital emergency departments and medical points,” Rohan Talbot, MAP’s director of advocacy and campaigns, told Arab News. 

In November, the organization’s nutrition cluster identified 575 children with acute malnutrition, including 128 with severe malnutrition, out of 7,930 children screened. The highest rates were in Gaza City, where almost 10 percent of children screened were malnourished. 

“We have also seen birth defects attributed to poor nutrition in mothers and lack of access to proper food and medical care,” said Talbot, warning that malnutrition could have long-term effects on children, leaving them at risk of stunting, poor development, and recurrent infections. 

A man carries the body of Palestinian baby Zainab Abu Haleeb, who died due to malnutrition, according to health officials, at Nasser Hospital in Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, on July 26, 2025. (REUTERS)

Last week, MAP reported that three of Gaza’s largest hospitals — Al-Shifa, Nasser and the Patient’s Friends Benevolent Society — remain overwhelmed with critically injured and malnourished patients. 

Staff are unable to provide adequate care or carry out surgeries postponed during the war, with some patients dying as a result. 

Medical supplies have not “meaningfully increased” since the ceasefire began, leaving a collapsed healthcare system with little capacity to recover, the organization said. 

According to the UN, only half of Gaza’s 36 hospitals are currently partially operational, and not a single hospital in the enclave is fully functional.  

A nurse examines a malnourished child at Nasser Hospital in Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, on July 25, 2025. (REUTERS)

The Patient’s Friends Benevolent Society Hospital, the main pediatric facility in northern Gaza, has reported critical shortages of essential drugs, medical supplies, cleaning materials, and sterilization equipment. 

On Nov. 14, the hospital — already damaged in the fighting — was flooded by heavy rain, trapping children and their families on the ground floor. 

“Medical intervention was not enough to save the lives of children, so we lost a large number of them in the intensive care unit,” Dr. Majd Awadallah, the hospital’s medical director, said in a statement. 

“These problems are unsolvable without opening the crossings and allowing the unconditional entry of essential materials, especially medicines. How can a hospital operate in surgical and maternity cases without cleaning materials?”   

INNUMBERS

600 Aid trucks expected to enter Gaza daily under ceasefire deal.

145 Actual average number of aid trucks entering Gaza per day.

(Source: Gaza’s Government Media Office)

On Monday, the UN Relief and Works Agency accused Israel of blocking around 6,000 aid trucks carrying food, medicine, tents and blankets — enough to sustain the enclave for three months. 

The organization warned that 1.5 million people urgently need shelter after heavy rains in November flooded displacement camps and damaged at least 13,000 tents. 

Israel’s military operation in Gaza, triggered by the Hamas-led Oct. 7, 2023, attack, has displaced about 2.1 million Palestinians — roughly 95 percent of the population — and destroyed nearly 78 percent of the enclave’s 250,000 buildings, according to UN figures. 

Most of the displaced now live in makeshift tents, some erected over the rubble of their former homes, without proper sanitation, clean water, insulation or sewage systems, contributing to the spread of infectious diseases. 

The World Health Organization has reported a rise in cases of Guillain-Barre Syndrome, acute watery diarrhea, and acute jaundice syndrome, the latter of which can be linked to hepatitis A. 

Though more aid has been reaching the devastated enclave since the ceasefire, humanitarian organizations warn this is insufficient to meet the population’s needs. 

Under the US-brokered truce, at least 600 aid trucks were expected to enter Gaza daily. However, Gaza’s Government Media Office said the enclave has received an average of just 145 trucks a day since the agreement began. 

Palestinians collect aid supplies from trucks in Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, on October 12, 2025, amid a ceasefire between Israel and Hamas. (REUTERS)

Of the aid that has entered Gaza, only 5 percent of the trucks contained medical supplies, according to the UN. 

“The strain on Palestinians’ lives is only deepening,” said Talbot. “Even the most basic materials needed for shelter continue to be blocked by Israeli authorities.” 

Though food availability has slightly improved due to the entry of humanitarian and commercial trucks, aid organizations still report limited quantities and less diverse food in markets. 

The World Food Programme said food consumption remained below pre-conflict levels by mid-October, as meat, eggs, vegetables, and fruits remain unaffordable for many families. Talbot said the food shortages are affecting patient recovery and overall public health. 

“Local food production has been severely disrupted, and humanitarian access remains extremely constrained by Israeli restrictions, with a severe lack of properly nutritious food entering Gaza,” he said. 

The war has eroded purchasing power, leaving 95 percent of the population entirely dependent on aid, UNRWA said, urging Israel to facilitate rapid at-scale and unimpeded humanitarian access. 

Although the ceasefire was intended to bring relief, near-daily Israeli strikes have killed 347 Palestinians, including at least 67 children, and injured 889 others, pushing Gaza’s death toll to more than 70,000, according to the Ministry of Health. 

Gaza’s Government Media Office has documented 535 Israeli violations since the ceasefire began, while satellite imagery shows more than 1,500 buildings have been destroyed during this period. 

In a statement last week, rights monitor Amnesty International accused Israel of continuing to commit genocide in Gaza by severely restricting the entry of aid and blocking the restoration of services essential for civilian survival. 

Agnes Callamard, the organization’s secretary-general, said the ceasefire creates “a dangerous illusion that life in Gaza is returning to normal,” warning that the lack of proper food, water and shelter could lead to “slow death” of Palestinians in Gaza. 

This includes blocking equipment needed to repair life-sustaining infrastructure and to remove unexploded ordnance, contaminated rubble and sewage — all of which pose serious and potentially irreversible public health and environmental risks, she said. 

Israel denies accusations it is deliberately obstructing aid, and accuses Hamas of stealing humanitarian assistance. 

Israeli soldiers secure humanitarian aid, amid the ongoing conflict in Gaza between Israel and the Palestinian Islamist group Hamas, near the Erez Crossing point in northern Gaza, on May 1, 2024. (REUTERS)

COGAT, the Israeli military arm that oversees humanitarian matters, insists that “hundreds of trucks” enter Gaza daily. 

In a Nov. 30 statement, the unit said it “approved 100,000 pallet requests submitted by organizations, of winter-related items, shelter equipment, and sanitation supplies.” 

“These supplies are ready and waiting for weeks for immediate coordination by the relevant organizations so they can enter Gaza,” the statement read. 

Israel and Hamas have continued to trade accusations of ceasefire violations as the first phase nears completion. 

Under this initial phase, Israel was required to withdraw its troops behind a temporary boundary known as the yellow line, while Hamas was to release all living and deceased hostages. 

The next stage of the Trump 20‑point Gaza peace plan, endorsed by the UN Security Council on Nov. 18, faces major obstacles, including Hamas disarmament, Israel’s full withdrawal from Gaza, governance of the enclave, and international security arrangements. 

Despite these obstacles, aid agencies are continuing live-saving work, stepping up efforts to provide essential health services, distribute clean water, support trauma and emergency responses, and offer mental health support. 

On Nov. 21, the WHO, UNRWA, and the UN children’s fund UNICEF, announced the completion of the first round of vaccinations, which immunized more than 13,700 children against measles, polio, mumps and rubella, hepatitis B, tuberculosis, rotavirus and pneumonia. 

The agencies are now preparing for rounds two and three after 1.6 million syringes procured by UNICEF entered Gaza in mid-November. 

The UN also distributed food parcels to more than 264,000 families in the same month. 

However, aid workers say that these efforts represent only a fraction of what is needed to mitigate the worsening humanitarian crisis and help the population recover. 

“A ceasefire must mean more than this; it must bring an end to Palestinians’ suffering and allow them to regain their dignity and safety,” said Talbot. 

“Without a flood of aid and assistance, we will see more avoidable deaths and deprivation.”