Modi— the tea seller’s son who became India’s populist hero

India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi flashes victory sign at the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) headquarters to celebrate the party’s win in country's general election, in New Delhi on June 4, 2024. (AFP/File)
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Updated 09 June 2024
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Modi— the tea seller’s son who became India’s populist hero

  • Modi was recently humbled in India’s recent election which forced his party into coalition with allies
  • He was born in 1950, the third of six children whose father sold tea at a railway station in Gujarat 

NEW DELHI: Once shunned and now eagerly courted by the West, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has steered his country away from its secular traditions and toward the Hindu-first politics he has championed for decades.

Modi’s political ascent was marred by allegations of his culpability in India’s worst religious riots this century, and his tenure has dovetailed with rising hostility toward Muslims and other minorities.

A decade after first sweeping to national office, the 73-year-old was humbled in just-concluded elections when his Hindu-nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) was forced into a coalition government following a worse-than-expected showing.

He begins a third term in office on Sunday forced to rely on a motley assortment of minor parties to govern.

Supporters revere Modi’s tough-guy persona, burnished by his image as a steward of India’s majority faith and myth-making that played up his modest roots.

“They dislike me because of my humble origins,” he said in rallies ahead of 2019 elections, lambasting his opponents.

“Yes, a person belonging to a poor family has become prime minister. They do not fail to hide their contempt for this fact.”

Modi was born in 1950 in the western state of Gujarat, the third of six children whose father sold tea at a railway station.

An average student, his gift for rousing oratory was first seen with his keen membership of a school debate club and participation in theatrical performances.

But the seeds of his political destiny were sown at the age of eight when he joined the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a hard-line nationalist group.

Modi dedicated himself to its cause of promoting Hindu supremacy in constitutionally secular India, even walking out of his arranged marriage soon after his wedding aged 18.

Remaining with his wife — whom he never officially divorced — would have hampered his advancement through the ranks of the RSS, which expected senior cadres to stay celibate.

The RSS groomed Modi for a career in its political wing, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which grew into a major force through the 1990s.

He was appointed chief minister of Gujarat in 2001 but the state was rocked by sectarian riots the following year, sparked by a fire that killed dozens of Hindu pilgrims.

At least 1,000 people were killed in the ensuing violence, with most of the victims Muslims.

Modi was accused of both helping stir up the unrest and failing to order a police intervention.
He later told a BBC reporter that his main weakness in responding to the riots was not knowing “how to handle the media.”

A probe by India’s top court eventually said there was no evidence to prosecute Modi, but the international fallout saw him banned from entering the United States and Britain for years.

However, it was a testament to India’s changing political tides that his popularity only grew at home.
He built a reputation as a leader ready to assert the interests of Hindus, who he contended had been held back by the secularist forces that ruled India almost continuously since independence from Britain.

Critics have sounded the alarm over a spate of prosecutions directed at Modi’s political rivals and the taming of a once-vibrant press.

India’s Muslim community of more than 200 million is also increasingly anxious about its future.

Modi’s rise to the premiership was followed by a spate of lynchings targeting Muslims for the slaughter of cows, a sacred animal in the Hindu tradition.

But Western democracies have sidestepped rights concerns in the hopes of cultivating a regional ally that can help check China’s assertiveness.

Modi was accorded the rare honor in the United States of a joint address to Congress and a White House state reception last year at President Joe Biden’s invitation.

He has taken credit for India’s rising diplomatic and economic clout, claiming that under his watch the country has become a “vishwaguru” — a teacher to the world.

Only now is India assuming its rightful global status, his party contends, after the historical subjugation of the country and its majority faith — first by the Muslim Mughal empire and then by the British colonial project.

Modi’s government has refashioned colonial-era urban landscapes in New Delhi, rewritten textbooks and overhauled British-era criminal laws in an effort to erase what it regards as symbols of foreign domination.

The project reached its peak in January when Modi presided over the opening of a new Hindu temple in the town of Ayodhya, built on grounds once home to a centuries-old Mughal mosque razed by Hindu zealots in 1992.

Modi said during the elaborate ceremony that the temple’s consecration showed India was “rising above the mentality of slavery.”

“The nation is creating the genesis of a new history,” he added.


Trump seeks to strike back in crucial State of the Union

Updated 5 sec ago
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Trump seeks to strike back in crucial State of the Union

WASHINGTON: US President Donald Trump will try to sell voters on the record of his first year back in power during his State of the Union address Tuesday, despite suffering a series of stinging blows ahead of November’s crucial midterm elections.
After a year of breakneck activity that has stunned America and the world, the 79-year-old Republican’s flagship speech to Congress — which he has largely sidelined — comes at a tense time.
Trump is fuming over a string of recent setbacks, including dismal approval ratings and the Supreme Court striking down his signature tariffs, a cornerstone of his economic agenda.
Adding to the drama, Trump will be speaking right in front of the same justices — including two of his own appointees — whom he branded “fools” over the stunning ruling.
If Democrats win back either the House or Senate in November, it could paralyze the rest of Trump’s second term — and put him at the risk of a possible third impeachment.
But Trump shows no signs of backing down in a speech that is likely to mix a defense of his first year with a launching pad for the midterms.
“It’s going to be a long speech because we have so much to talk about,” Trump said at the White House on Monday.
The president also dismissed “fake” polls including a Washington Post-ABC News-Ipsos poll published on Sunday showing his approval rating at just 39 percent.

Democrat protests

Democrats are lining up responses including boycotts and silent protests for the address — mandated by the US Constitution which says that the president shall “from time to time give to the Congress information of the State of the Union.”
Tina Smith, a Democratic senator from Minnesota, said she would skip it because Trump uses his speeches to “spread lies — not to mention they’re long and boring.”
The speech comes after a year in which Trump has asserted unprecedented executive power, targeted opponents and slapped his name on buildings at home, while upending the world order abroad.
Trump will be keen to tout what his administration says is its success on immigration, especially on cutting crossings over the Mexican border.
But polls show that while voters like his overall stance on immigration, they don’t like the harsh deportation raids in which two US citizens were shot dead in January.
On the economy, he will be selling what he claims is success in cutting inflation and restoring what he calls a “Golden Age” of America.
But billionaire Trump also faces a challenge to convince voters who are still worried about the cost of living — which many blame on the tariffs that the Supreme Court struck down.

Iran tensions

The world will meanwhile be watching for hints from Trump about possible military action against Iran, with a huge US military build-up pressing Tehran to make a nuclear deal.
The key speech has been used to advance foreign policy before — former president George W. Bush fashioned his 2003 State of the Union speech, for instance, to make the case for war with Iraq.
Adding to the interest will be the guests that both Republicans and Democrats bring to watch the address from the gallery, part of a long tradition.