Victims turned activists: Iraqi women battle abuse

In a country of 40 million, about 17,000 complaints of domestic violence were registered in 2021 by the interior ministry’s family protection unit. (Photo Credit: Iraqi Women’s Network)
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Updated 03 January 2022
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Victims turned activists: Iraqi women battle abuse

  • From marriage of minors to economic coercion, feminists and lawyers struggle to defend the rights of women in the overwhelmingly patriarchal country

BAGHDAD: After a day’s work in an Iraq public sector job, Azhar offers legal support to women who are victims of domestic abuse, something she knows well given her experience with a brutal husband.
After she was forced into marriage by family pressure, Azhar, 56, battled in court for almost a decade to divorce the man who would beat her up.
“I believed I was going to die,” she said, recalling one attack and showing pictures of purple bruises on her arms and legs.
“That was the moment when I decided to break my chains.”
She eventually won her freedom, and the ordeal prompted her to study law.
“I felt I was weak in the face of the justice system,” recalled Azhar, who heads a non-government organization that offers legal support to victims of violence and is part of the Iraqi Women’s Network coalition.
“I help any woman who is a victim of violence or in need of legal aid, so that these women become aware of their rights and can defend themselves,” she said.
From marriage of minors to economic coercion, feminists and lawyers struggle to defend the rights of women in the overwhelmingly patriarchal country.
They cite regressive laws and the indifference of authorities as key obstacles.
In a country of 40 million, about 17,000 complaints of domestic violence were registered in 2021 by the interior ministry’s family protection unit, said media official General Saad Maan.

The marriage of minors is on the rise in Iraq, according to a government survey.
For females under 18 it jumped to 25.5 percent last year, up from 21.7 percent in 2011.
Azhar, who did not wish her surname to be published for security reasons, was around 20 when she first got married.
But she was soon widowed and forced again into marriage seven years later.
She eventually left her abusive second husband with her eight children and filed for divorce.
The first judge knew the man and rejected the request, despite three medical certificates proving her injuries, she said.
“’I will not break up families on the basis of certificates’,” she recalled the judge telling her.
“’So what if a man beats his wife?’,” she quoted him as saying.
In cases of domestic abuse, judges often push for “reconciliation,” said the head of the family protection unit, Brig. Ali Mohamed.
But “it is the victim who pays the price,” said Hanaa Edwar who heads the Al-Amal organization and has worked for 50 years as a rights defender.
“The justice system’s considerations for affairs involving women is much weaker than the machismo that dominates the minds of judges.”
Iraq has no specific law dealing with violence against women, and the 1969 penal code contains an article that allows rapists to escape punishment if they agree to marry their victims.
Rights groups are seeking parliament’s endorsement of a draft law on domestic abuse, but it has been blocked by Islamist parties since 2010.
A key provision of the bill is the creation of shelters for victims of domestic violence, said lawyer Marwa Eleoui.

\Mobilizing public opinion is often the only way to make headway and score the smallest of victories in Iraq, as in the case of Mariam, 16.
The teenager was disfigured by a man who broke into her home and sprayed her with acid, after her family spurned his offer of marriage, media quoted her parents as saying.
Mariam’s story drew sympathy nationwide when it was reported by Iraqi media in December, seven months after the acid attack.
Authorities say two suspects have been arrested over the assault.
“If it weren’t for media pressure, Mariam’s case would have taken two years before it went to court,” said Eleoui.
In the northern province of Kirkuk, Lina was among the young women for whom the Al-Amal organization became a critical lifeline.
At just 13 years of age, she was married off against her will to a man she said was violent.
“I was 25 when I told myself I’d had enough,” she said. “He would beat me up in a way I cannot describe.”
When she complained, her husband — and her father — tried to obtain a certificate from a doctor saying she was mentally unstable, eager to avoid a social scandal.
“The doctor saw the bruises and put me in contact with the association,” said Lina, who uses a pseudonym, fearing for her safety.
Now she works with Al-Amal and makes house calls to tell women about their rights.
“Leaving the courtroom after I got my divorce was like leaving a prison,” she said.


Israel’s settler movement takes victory lap as a sparse outpost becomes a settlement within a month

Updated 21 January 2026
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Israel’s settler movement takes victory lap as a sparse outpost becomes a settlement within a month

  • Smotrich, who has been in charge of Israeli settlement policy for the past three years, has overseen an aggressive construction and expansion binge aimed at dismantling any remaining hopes of establishing a Palestinian state in the occupied West Bank

YATZIV SETTLEMENT, West Bank: Celebratory music blasting from loudspeakers mixed with the sounds of construction, almost drowning out calls to prayer from a mosque in the Palestinian town across this West Bank valley.
Orthodox Jewish women in colorful head coverings, with babies on their hips, shared platters of fresh vegetables as soldiers encircled the hilltop, keeping guard.
The scene Monday reflected the culmination of Israeli settlers’ long campaign to turn this site, overlooking the Palestinian town of Beit Sahour, into a settlement. Over the years, they fended off plans to build a hospital for Palestinian children on the land, always holding tight to the hope the land would one day become theirs.
That moment is now, they say.
Smotrich goes on settlement spree
After two decades of efforts, it took just a month for their new settlement, called “Yatziv,” to go from an unauthorized outpost of a few mobile homes to a fully recognized settlement. Fittingly, the new settlement’s name means “stable” in Hebrew.
“We are standing stable here in Israel,” Finance Minister and settler leader Bezalel Smotrich told The Associated Press at Monday’s inauguration ceremony. “We’re going to be here forever. We will never establish a Palestinian state here.”
With leaders like Smotrich holding key positions in Israel’s government and establishing close ties with the Trump administration, settlers are feeling the wind at their backs.
Smotrich, who has been in charge of Israeli settlement policy for the past three years, has overseen an aggressive construction and expansion binge aimed at dismantling any remaining hopes of establishing a Palestinian state in the occupied West Bank.
While most of the world considers the settlements illegal, their impact on the ground is clear, with Palestinians saying the ever-expanding construction hems them in and makes it nearly impossible to establish a viable independent state. The Palestinians seek the West Bank, captured by Israel in 1967, as part of a future state.
With Netanyahu and Trump, settlers feel emboldened
Settlers had long set their sights on the hilltop, thanks to its position in a line of settlements surrounding Jerusalem and because they said it was significant to Jewish history. But they put up the boxy prefab homes in November because days earlier, Palestinian attackers had stabbed an Israeli to death at a nearby junction.
The attack created an impetus to justify the settlement, the local settlement council chair, Yaron Rosenthal, told AP. With the election of Israel’s far-right government in late 2022, Trump’s return to office last year and the November attack, conditions were ripe for settlers to make their move, Rosenthal said.
“We understood that there was an opportunity,” he said. “But we didn’t know it would happen so quickly.”
“Now there is the right political constellation for this to happen.”
Smotrich announced approval of the outpost, along with 18 others, on Dec. 21. That capped 20 years of effort, said Nadia Matar, a settler activist.
“Shdema was nearly lost to us,” said Matar, using the name of an Israeli military base at the site. “What prevented that outcome was perseverance.”
Back in 2006, settlers were infuriated upon hearing that Israel’s government was in talks with the US to build a Palestinian children’s hospital on the land, said Hagit Ofran, a director at Peace Now, an anti-settlement watchdog group, especially as the US Agency for International Development was funding a “peace park” at the base of the hill.
The mayor of Beit Sahour urged the US Consulate to pressure Israel to begin hospital construction, while settlers began weekly demonstrations at the site calling on Israel to quash the project, according to consulate files obtained through WikiLeaks.
It was “interesting” that settlers had “no religious, legal, or ... security claim to that land,” wrote consulate staffer Matt Fuller at the time, in an email he shared with the AP. “They just don’t want the Palestinians to have it — and for a hospital no less — a hospital that would mean fewer permits for entry to Jerusalem for treatment.”
The hospital was never built. The site was converted into a military base after the Netanyahu government came to power in 2009. From there, settlers quickly established a foothold by creating makeshift cultural center at the site, putting on lectures, readings and exhibits
Speaking to the AP, Ehud Olmert, the Israeli prime minister at the time the hospital was under discussion, said that was the tipping point.
“Once it is military installation, it is easier than to change its status into a new outpost, a new settlement and so on,” he said.
Olmert said Netanyahu — who has served as prime minister nearly uninterrupted since then — was “committed to entirely different political directions from the ones that I had,” he said. “They didn’t think about cooperation with the Palestinians.”
Palestinians say the land is theirs
The continued legalization of settlements and spiking settler violence — which rose by 27 percent in 2025, according to Israel’s military — have cemented a fearful status quo for West Bank Palestinians.
The land now home to Yatziv was originally owned by Palestinians from Beit Sahour, said the town’s mayor, Elias Isseid.
“These lands have been owned by families from Beit Sahour since ancient times,” he said.
Isseid worries more land loss is to come. Yatziv is the latest in a line of Israeli settlements to pop up around Beit Sahour, all of which are connected by a main highway that runs to Jerusalem without entering Palestinian villages. The new settlement “poses a great danger to our children, our families,” he said.
A bypass road, complete with a new yellow gate, climbs up to Yatziv. The peace park stands empty.